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PROCEELINGS 



THE SOCIETY 



BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. 



JANUARY 



DECEMBER, 1897 



VOL. XIX. TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION. 



PUBLISHED AT 

THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY, 
37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 

189 7. 



HARRISON AND SONS, 

PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY. 

ST. MARTIN'S LANE, LONDON. 



COUNCIL, 1897. 



President. 
Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Vice-Presidents. 

The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York. 

The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c, &c. 

The Right Hon Lord Amherst of Hackney. 

The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury. 

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c. 

Arthur Cates. 

F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c. 

Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c. 

Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A. 

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 



Council. 



Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A. 

Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D. 

Thomas Christy, F.L.S. 

Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S. 

Charles Harrison, F.S.A. 

Gray Hill. 

Prof. T. Hayter Lewis, F.S.A. 



Rev. Albert L6wy, LL.D., &c. 
Rev. James Marshall, M.A. 
Claude G. Montefiore. 
Prof. E. Naville 
J. Pollard. 

Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., F.R.S. 
&c. 



Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet. 
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 
Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A. 
Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S. 



CONTENTS. 



Donations to Library 



••• i, 63, 105, 123, T57, 224, 268,303 



Nomination of Candidates . . . 

Election of Members 

Notices of decease of Members 



2, 106, 270, 304 

...2, 64, 124, 304 

223, 267 



No. cxlii. January. 

Secretary's Report, 1897 ... ... ... ... ... 3-5 

Council and Officers for the year 1897 ... ... ... 6 

Joseph Offord. — Pre-Mosaic Palestine 7-26 

Dr. M. Gaster. — Two unknown Hebrew Versions of 

the Tobit Legend (concluded) ... ... ... ... 27-38 

Rev. G. Margoliouth. — More Fragments of the PaLs- 

tinian Syriac Version of the Holy Scriptures (concluded) 39-60 

Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year ending 

the 31st December, 1896 ... ... ... ... 61 



No. cxliii. February. 

Sir P. le Page Rexouf {President). The Book of the 

Dead, Chapters CXXIX, CXXX 

Prof. A. H. Sayce. — Assyriological Notes. No. II 
Miss M. Murray.— The Stela of Dua-er-neheh. (Plate) 
Prof. Dr. Ho.mmkl. — Assyriological Notes 

Prof. Dr. Eisenlohr. — The Rollin Papyri and their 
Baking Calculations. (Parti)... 



65-67 
68-76 

77 
7S-90 

91-104 



CONTENTS. 1 

No. cxliv. March 

PAGE 

Sir P. le Page Renouf (President). The Book of the 

Dead. Chapters CXXX to CXXXII 107-112 

Rev. H. G. Tomkins. — Khiana or Khana ... ... 113, 114 

Prof. Dr. Eisenlohr. — The Rollin Papyri and their 

Baking Calculations (continued) ... ... ... 115-120 

Sir P. le Page Renouf. — The Lay of the Threshers 121, 122 
Dr. Gaster. — Two Unknown Hebrew Versions of the 
Tobit Legend. (Text.) 



No. cxlv. April. 

Sir P. le Page Renouf (President). The Book of the 

Dead. Chapters CXXXIII to CXXXV 125-131 

Theophilus G. Pinches. — Two Archaic and Three later 

Babylonian Tablets. (2 Plates) ... .... ... 132-143 

Walter L. Nash, F.S.A., and Sir P. le Page Renouf 

(President). — Hypocephalus from Luxor. (2 Plates)... 145, 146 

Prof. Dr. Eisenlohr. — The Rollin Papyri and their 

Baking Calculations (continued) ... ... ... 147-155 



No. cxlvi. May. 

Sir P. le Page Renouf (President). — The Book of the 

Dead. Chapters CXXXVIa and CXXXVIb 160-164 

E. J. Pilcher. — The date of the Siloam Inscription. 

(3 Plates)... ... ... ... ... ... ... 165-182 

F. Legge. — A Coptic Spell of the Second Century ... 183-187 
Sir P. le Page Renouf (President). — Young and 

Champollion ... ... ... ... ... ... 188-209 

W. E. Crum. — A Coptic Palimpsest — 

I. Praj er of the Virgin in " Bartos " 1 

1 21 o — 2 2 2 

77. Fragment of a Patriarchal History J 



V! CONTENTS. 



No. cxlvii. June. 



PAGE 



Sir P. le Page Renouf {President). — The Book of the 

Dead. Chapters CXXXVIIa-CXXXIX. (2 Plates) 225-228 
The Hon. Miss Plunkett. — The Median Calendar and 

the Constellation Taurus. (5 Plates.) Note by Mr. J. 

Offord. Additional Note by Miss Plunkett ... ... 229-249 

Alfred Boissier. — Note sur un linteau de porte 

decouvert en Assyrie par George Smith. (Plate) ... 250, 251 
Prof. Dr. Eisenlohr. — The Rollin Papyri and their 

Baking Calculations {conclusion) ... ... ... 252-265 

No. cxlviii. November. 

W. H. Rylands (Secretary). — Biographical Record of the 

late President, Sir P. Le Page Renouf. (Portrait) ... 271-279 
Prof. A. H. Sayce. — Assyriological Notes. No. 3. (Plates) 280-292 
F. Ll. Griffith.- Scarabs belonging to Mr. John Ward. 
The Khyan Group of Kings. The Israel Stela. 
Additional Notes to "Egyptian Literature" ... ... 293-300 

Prof. A. H. Sayce. — Haematite Cylinder from Cappadocia 301 
F. Legge. — Coptic Spell (Proceedings, May) ... ... 302 



No. cxlix. December. 

Joseph Offord. — Notes on the Congress of Orientalists 

held at Paris, 1897 ... ... ... ... ... 305-311 

Prof. Dr. Hommell. — Assyriological Notes ... ... 312-315 



:<>::: <0 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



LIST OF PLATES. 



PAGE 

The Stela of Dua-er-neheh 7 6 

Two Archaic and Three later Babylonian Tablets. ( Two 

plates) i3 2 > r 34 

Hypocephalus from Luxor. {Two plates) ... ... 146 

The date of the Siloam Inscription. {Three plates) 168, 172, 174 
The Book of the Dead. Plates XXXIX, XL. (Two plates) 226 

The Median Calendar and the Constellation Taurus. 

{Fiveplates) 238 

Lintel of Doorway discovered at Kouyunjik ... ... 250 

Portrait of the late Sir P. le Page Renouf 271 

Cuneiform Tablets. {Two Plates) 280,286 



VOL. XIX. Part i. 



PROCEEDINGS 



OF 

THE SOCIETY 

OF 

BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. 



6O0> 

VOL. XIX. TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION, 

Fh'st Meeting, Jatiuary \2tJ1, 1897. 

•#&> 

CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Secretary's Report, 1896 3-5 

Council and Officers for the year 1897 6 

Joseph Offord. — Pre-Mosaic Palestine 7-26 

Dr. M. Gaster. — Two unknown Hebrew Versions of the Tobit 

Legend {concluded) 27-38 

Rev. G. Margoliouth, M. A.— More Fragments of the Pales- 
tinian Syriac Version of the Holy Scriptures {concluded) 39~6o 

Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year ended 31st 

December, 1896 61 

PUBLISHED AT 

THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY, 

37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 

18 97. 



[No. CXLII.] 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY, 

37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 



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A few complete sets of the Transactions still remain for sale, which may be 
.btained on application to the Secretary, W. II. Ryi.ands, F.S.A., 37, Grea' 
Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 




/Cc^fr. 



t 4zrf- 



PROCEEDINGS 



OF 



THE SOCIETY 



or- 



BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. 



TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION, 1897. 



First Meeting, \2th January, 1897. 

[anniversary.] 

JOSEPH POLLARD, Esq. (Member of Council), 

IN THE CHAIR. 

#0© 



The following Presents were announced, and thanks- 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author, Prof. G. Maspero : — Histoire Ancienne des 
Peuples de l'Orient classique. II, Les premieres melees des 
Peuples. 8vo. Paris. 1897. 

From the Publishers, The Theosophical Publishing Society : — 
Pistis Sophia, a Gnostic Gospel (with extracts from the books 
of the Saviour appended), originally translated from Greek into 
Coptic, and now for the first time into English from Schwartze's 
Latin version of the only known Coptic MS., and checked by 
Amelineau's French version, with an introduction by G. R. S. 
Mead, B.A., M.R.A.S. 8vo. London. 1896. 

[No. cxlii.] 1 A 



Tan. i2| SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCft^EOLOGY. [1897. 

From the Author, Dr. John P. Peters :— The Seat of the Earliest 
Civilization in Babylonia, and the date of its beginnings. 
(American Oriental Society.) 8vo. 1896. 

From the Author, Dr. John P. Peters -.— Christ's Treatment of 
the Old Testament. {American Journal of Biblical Literature. ) 

8vo. 
From the Author, Dr. John P. Peters :— Notes on the Old 

Testament. {American Journal of Biblical Literature.) 8vo. 
From the Author, G. Margoliouth, M.A. :— The Liturgy of the 

Nile (Journ. Roy. Asiatic Soc.) 8vo. London. 1896. 
From Rev. R. Gwynne (Sec. For. Corr.) :— Address to the 

Assyrian Section of the Ninth Congress of Orientalists by 

Prof. A. H. Sayce. Svo. London. 1892, 
From Rev. R. Gwynne (Sec, For. Cor.) :— Die Lehre von der 

iibernatiirlichen Geburt Christi. P. Lobstein. Svo. Freiburg, 

1. B. 1896. 
from Rev. R. Gwynne (Sec. For. Cor?:) : — Western Asia accord- 
ing to the most recent Discoveries, by C. P. Tiele. Svo. 

London. 1896. 
From Innes Whitehouse : — Monumental Egypt, by W. Osborn. 

Vol. I. Svo. 

The following Candidates were nominated for election at 
the next Meeting to be held on the 2nd February, 1897 : — 

Rev. James Hastings, M.A., The Manse, Kinneff, Bervie. 

W. Jacks, Crosslets, Dumbartonshire. 

Miss Martha Izod, The Hawthorns, Church Road, Edgbaston, 

Birmingham. 
|ohn N. Duncan, Johannesburg. 

The following Candidates were elected Members of the 
Society, having been nominated at the last Meeting, held 
on the 1 st December, 1 896. 

Mahomad Barakat Ullah-Moulvie, Oriental Academy, 5. Blooms- 
bury Square. 
Miss Vera F. Mam. ruff. P.O. Box 93, New York City, U.S.A. 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 



SECRETARY'S REPORT 

FOR THE YEAR 1S96. 



During the year just passed it has been my sad duty to notice from 
time to time the heavy loss the Society has suffered by the death of some 
of its distinguished Members. 

The number on the Roll of Members has, however, been fairly main- 
tained. I have to thank many who recognize the duty they owe to the 
Society by making an effort to secure at least one new Member, and it is 
sincerely to be hoped that others during the coming year will realize the 
same duty, and make an effort to give their help in this direction. It is 
in every way desirable that the number of Members should be increased, 
as if this were done the Council would be able to print more original 
material, and illustrate the various communications more fully. 

The Society is certainly to be congratulated on the number of Papers 
which have been printed ; and their interest is quite equal to those of 
former years. Still, with so much valuable material only waiting for 
publication, it is to be regretted that sufficient funds are not placed at 
the disposal of the Council, so as to enable them to at least double the 
size of the Parts of the Proceedings. This could easily be done if each 
Member now on the Roll would make a determined effort to obtain such 
a desirable result. 

The Twenty-sixth Session of the Society commenced in November, 
1895, but the present Volume, according to the more convenient arrange- 
ment, includes only the Proceedings from January to December, 1895, 
those Parts for November and December, 1895, having been issued with 
the previous Volume. 

Again, classing the papers according to subjects, it will be well to 
take, in the first place, those which bear more directly on matters con- 
nected with the Bible. I am pleased to be able to state that communi- 
cations on similar subjects will be submitted to the Society during the 
present and future Sessions. 

Rev. Dr. M. Friedlander, On Some Fragments of the Hebrew 
Bible with peculiar Abbreviations and peculiar Signs for Vowels and 
Accents (read in March). Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A., the Blessing of 
Moses (Deuteronomy xxxiii) (April). Rev. G. Margoliouth, More 
Fragments of the Palestinian Syriac Version of the Holy Scriptures 
(November and December). Professor Flinders Petrie, the Period 

.^ a 2 



Jan. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1897- 

ot the Judges (December). Dr. M. Caster, Two Unknown Hebrew 
Versions of the Tobit Legend (November and December). 

Other papers have been read, which will appear in future parts of 
the Proceedings. For example, Dr. G aster, Some unique Hebrew 
Manuscripts of the Bible of the 9th or 10th century. Rev. C. J. Ball, 
M.A., the first chapter of Genesis and its Babylonian cosmogonies. 
Rev/ Dr. Lowv, the Song of Deborah. Joseph Offord, the Tell- 
Amarna Tablets relating to Jerusalem and Central Palestine. 

Of papers dealing with the antiquities and mythology of Egypt, the 
following may be mentioned. Still continuing his complete translation 
of the Book of the Dead, The President has added to those already 
printed Chapters CXXV, Part IV (January), Notes to Chapter CXXV 
(February, March, April), Chapters CXXVI, CXXVII (May), Chapter 
CXXVIII (June). F. Ll. Griffith, Chaereu to Hermopolis on a 
Bilingual Milestone (February). Joseph Offord, the Name Chaereu 
(March). PROFESSOR Flinders Petrie, the Arrangement of the 
XXIst Dynasty (February). R. D. Fotheringham, Some Considera- 
tions regarding Professor Petrie's Egyptian Chronology (March). PRO- 
FESSOR Petrie, Note on Chronology (April). E. Towry Whyte, 
Some Remarks on the Sepulchral Figures usually called Ushabti, with 
ten plates of examples (April and May). F. Ll. Griffith, Note on 
Demotic Philology (March). Dr. W. Max Muller, on a Hieroglyphic 
Sign (June). F. Ll. Griffith, Stela of Mentuhetep, Son of Hepy 
(November). W. E. Crum, a Stele of the XHIth Dynasty. 

Babylonian and Assyrian antiquities have also as in former years 
found a place in our publications. PROFESSOR Dr. Fritz HOMMEL, 
Assyriological Notes (January). Robert Brown, junr., Euphratean 
Stellar Researches (continued) (January). The Hon. Miss Plunket, 
Gu, the Eleventh Constellation of the Zodiac (February). Rev. A. J. 
Delattre, A-mur-ri ou A-har-ri 7 (February). Alfred Boissier, 
Lettre de Laba au roi d'Egypte. PROFESSOR Sayce, Roman Inscrip- 
tions at Assuan (March). Joseph Offord, the Nude Goddess in 
Assyrio-Babylonian Art (May). Alfred Boissier, Bas-Reliefs de 
Tiglat-Pileser III (May). PROFESSOR Sayce, Assyriological Notes, 
No. 1 (June). Rev. C. H. W. Johns, a New Eponym List (November). 
ALFRED Boissier, Notes Assyriologiques (November). THEOPHILUS 
G. Pinches, Assyriological Gleanings (December). 

The best thanks of the Society are due to the many writers who have 
so willingly given their assistance by submitting so varied and interesting 
,1 series of Papers to the Society. 

Of the Large Paper Edition of SIR P. LE PAGE Renouf's Transla- 
tion with Commentary and Notes of the Book of the Dead, Parts I to 
V have been issued to Subscribers. 

The Society has undertaken the publication, as has already been 
notified to the Members, of a limited number of copies, in large paper, 

4 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

of some recently discovered portions of the Palestinian Syriac Version of 
the Holy Scriptures, edited by the Rev. G. Margoliouth, M.A. The 
work will contain a photographic facsimile of the whole of the text, a 
printed transcription, translation, and notes. 

The number of books in the Library still, I am happy to say, continues 
to increase, as well as the number of readers. Notwithstanding the 
kindness of many members who, by valuable donations, not only of 
the whole of their own writings as issued, but by the works of others* 
have added so much to the interest and value of our collection, there are 
very many books required, the possession of which by the Society would 
be of great advantage to students. The Society exchanges publications 
with a large number of kindred Institutions; a list of many works 
especially wanted for the use of the Members has been printed at the 
end of each number of the Proceedings. This list is necessarily altered 
from time to time, owing to the kind responses made in the form of works 
asked for. I cannot too often point out that, as the books may be 
borrowed by Members, to have a good representative Library is one of 
the most important portions of the Society's functions. As the funds 
allow, the Council purchases whatever it is in their power to supply of the 
immediate requirements. The amount at their disposal, however, is 
quite inadequate to meet the demands on it. It is therefore to the kind 
generosity of those possessing spare copies of the books required, or of 
others connected with the objects of the Society, that the Members must 
look for assistance in this very desirable object. 

The audited Statement of Receipts and Expenditure annexed shows 
that the funds available for the year 1896 have been ^713 14^. 6d., 
including the donations already mentioned for which the Society has 
been indebted to Admiral Ommanev and Mr. Robert Brown, junr., 
F.S.A. The expenditure has been ^647 15s. 41/. The balance carried 
forward to the current year is therefore £65 19^. 2d. 

W. Harry Rvlands, 
Secretary. 

New Year's Day, 1897. 

The thanks of the Society were voted to the President, 
the Secretary, and Officers for their efforts in behalf of the 
Society. 



Jan. 12] 



SOCIETY (>F BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. 



['897- 



The following Officers and Council for the current year 
were elected : — 

COUNCIL, 1897. 



President. 
SIR P. I-E PAGE RENOUF. 



Vice-Presidents. 



The -Musi' Rev. IIi> Grace The Lord Archbishop of York. 

The Most Noble the Marquess of Bite, K.T., &c, &c. 

The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney. 

The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury. 

The Right Hon. YV. E. Gladstone, D.C.L., &c, 

Arthur Ca i es. 

F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c. 

Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Sir Charles Nicholson. Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c. 

Alexander Peckover, I.E. I).. F.S.A. 

Rev. GEORGE Rawlinson, D.U., Canon of Canterbury. 



Council. 



1. 1 harles James Ball, M.A. 

Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D. 

Thomas Christy, F.L.S. 

Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S. 

Charles Harrison, F.S.A. 

Gray Hill. 

Prof. T. Hayter Lewis, F.S.A. 

. \l BER'l L6W1 . EE. P.. &c. 



Rev. James Marshall, M.A. 

Claude G. Montefiore. 

Walter E. Nash, E. S. A. 

Prof. E. Naville. 

J. Pollard. 

Edward B. Tylor, EE. I)., 

F.R.S., &c. 
E. TOWRY Why 11 . M.A., F.S.A. 



Honorary Treasurer. 
Bernard T. Bosanquri . 

Secretary. 
W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 

Hon. Secretary for Foreign Correspondence. 
Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A. 

Honorary Librarian. 
William Simpson, F.R.G.S. 



Tax. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



PRE-MOSAIC PALESTINE. 
By Joseph Offord. 

It is now nearly a century since Young and Champollion first 
wrested from the mysterious hieroglyphs of Egypt the key to their 
secrets ; and almost half a century has elapsed since the educated 
world was astonished and enriched by the epoch-making discoveries 
of Layard and Botta in the Mesopotamian mounds. During all 
these years, first the temples, tombs and papyri of Egypt, and then 
also the Babylonian bricks, Chaldean cylinders, and Assyrian slabs. 
have gradually been unfolding to us the history, culture, religion and 
mythology of these great peoples of antiquity. 

Incidentally both from Egyptian monuments and papyri, and 
from Assyrian and Babylonian records, matters connected with the 
history of Palestine and her Syrian neighbours, as depicted in the 
Bible, have been illustrated in many ways, but it is only quite 
recently that a series of documents has been discovered that are 
almost exclusively concerned with events either in Palestine itself 
or the immediately contiguous countries of Western Asia. 

Early in rhe year 1888. some Egyptian peasants, searching for 
relics among the ruins at Tel el-Amarna, a site some hundred miles 
up the Nile from Cairo, found several hundreds of baked clay tablets 
of diverse dimensions, all having carefully inscribed upon both sides 
texts in the cuneiform or arrow-headed characters, so well known 
from Babylonian, Assyrian and Persian inscriptions. 

The majority of these relics were acquired by the Berlin and 
British Museums, a portion by the Egyptian Museum of Gizeh, 
some by a Russian savant, M. Colenischef, and Rostovich Bey of 
Cairo; one may be seen in the Louvre, a few are in private hands, 
and altogether the whereabouts oi more than 300 are known. 

The deep impression produced among scholars by such a 

7 



Jaw. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

discovery may be imagined, and their elucidation and publication 
may be said to have been anxiously awaited by the whole civilised 
world. 

Such a task, however, for various reasons, which will appear as we 
study the subject, takes time, and it is only just lately that summaries 
of all their contents have been published, and it will be very many 
years indeed before their elucidation is finally accomplished ; and 
many more before all the information they afford as to history and 
philology is utilised. 

The period has however now arrived when the results accomplished 
may be summarised and popularised with advantage. Translations 
have been attempted or made by the most erudite scholars in such 
matters, and although nine years have not elapsed since their dis- 
covery, the number of more or less learned works relating to them is 
already in excess of that of the tablets themselves. 

The first question that anyone having an acquaintance with 
ancient history will naturally ask is, how can it be that in Egypt 
and far up her Nile valley away from Syria, buried deep in the 
rnins of an almost unknown Egyptian city, a collection of documents 
written in the script of nations beside the Tigris and Euphrates 
should be preserved, to thus so fortunately enrich our museums and 
our knowledge. 

The answer to this question will explain that in these clay 
tablets and their strange characters we have come upon what has 
been justly termed a " priceless treasure," for they contain nothing 
less than the diplomatic archives of two well known Egyptian 
Pharaohs, Amenophis III and IV. 

To set forth who these monarch were, and why their foreign 
correspondence thus pigeon-holed at El Amarria should give us so 
much information concerning pre-Mosaic Palestine, it will be 
necessary in a few words to touch upon a short period of Egyptian 
history. 

Anyone who has read even an elementary history of Egypt, 
knows that after the long ages of the early dynasties, during which 
many of the most marvellous monuments, such as the pyramids, 
were < onstructed, and almost all Egyptian literature was written, 
Egypt was invaded and partly conquered, and for centuries governed 
by an alien race known as the Hykshos or Shepherd Kings, and it 
is almost certain that it was to one of these monarchs that Joseph was 
"Grand Vizier." At length, however, the native Egyptian royal 

8 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

race, which had never been extinguished, roused up the lovers of 
their fatherland, and descending the Nile, drove out the hated 
foreigners from Lower Egypt and the Delta, and freed their country 
from what they considered their oppressors. The native monarch 
who thus regained the throne of a united Egypt and his immediate 
descendants constituted the celebrated XVIIIth dynasty, which 
together with the subsequent XlXth dynasty reigned, roughly 
speaking, for 400 years, from about 1600 to 1200 B.C. 

During this period Egypt was frequently brought into close 
connexion with Palestine and Syria, and even with countries farther 
to the east and north, for no sooner did the early XVIIIth dynasty 
kings find themselves securely masters of all Egypt, than they 
commenced those Asiatic campaigns which occupy such a glorious 
place in the national annals, and which were to the outer world the 
sign of that zenith level of power and prosperity which Egypt at the 
period attained. Actuated doubtless partly by revenge for centuries 
of subjection, as well as by the lust of conquest engendered by 
renewed strength at home, Amasis, who expelled the Shepherds, 
entered Palestine and took Sharhan to the south of Gaza, mentioned 
in Joshua xix, 6 ; and a great Pharaoh named Thothmes I 
marched through Palestine and Syria and on to Mesopotamia, 
added to Egyptian sway also the countries of Canaan and Phcenicia, 
and even ruled as suzerain as distant a land as that on the further 
bank of the Euphrates. Whether Assyria itself became an appanage 
of Egypt we cannot say, but her rulers certainly paid tribute ; and 
under a later Pharaoh, Thothmes III, who among other cities 
captured Aradus, Tyre, Tunip,* Kadesh, and Carchemish, Egypt 
undoubtedly possessed the districts called by her Naharina and 
Mitanni, which were in north Mesopotamia, and shortly afterwards 
Babylonia itself became her tributary. 

The most distant of her conquests did not however remain 
permanently beneath Egyptian sway, the long line of communica- 
tions between the Nile and Euphrates after leaving the Jordan 
valley, was open to constant flank attack from the rising power of 
the Hittites ; gradually the Mesopotamian plains and north Syrian 
valleys and hills ceased to be subject, and became semi-independent, 
though still on friendly terms with their temporary rulers. 

The coasts of Phoenicia and the inland region of Palestine, 
however, still owned Egypt as their lord ; their proximity enabled 

Tunip was south of Aleppo near Damascus. 
9 



Jan. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

her to hold them with firmer hand. She appears to have retained 
them in subjection by means of governors subservient to herself,, 
selected from their own chiefs, assisted by resident Egyptian advisers,, 
and maintained by small Egyptian garrisons, and to have received 
tribute from all just as Assyria had done at other times. Rebellion 
if it arose was crushed by the mercenaries stationed in the various 
cities, or if they were insufficient, by them further assisted by fresh 
troops from the Delta. 

Such evidently were the political conditions of Palestine under 
kings Amenophis II and Thothmes IV, the immediate successors 
of Thothmes III. Under the monarch who next ascended the 
Egyptian throne, Amenophis III, however, Egypt's prestige waned, 
and her grasp of the territories still remaining to her weakened. 

His campaigns were few,* and do not appear to have terminated 
victoriously, for his return in quasi triumph home seems to have 
ever been the signal for fresh revolt, if not in Palestine, certainly 
in far off satrapies bordering on Assyria and Babylonia. The 
tribute, at all events from Naharina, which lay thereabouts, we know 
ceased to be paid. By the time he was gathered to his fathers and 
Amenophis IV reigned in his stead, matters were going from bad to 
worse. Even the adulation of the official scribes who compiled his 
temple inscriptions could only once venture to record the tribute 
from the comparatively contiguous territories of the Ruten, that is 
Syria, Palestine, and the Syrian shore. 

To provide some idea of the chronology of the events so hastily 
narrated, it is well to mention that Thothmes III assumed the 
double crown of Egypt about 1500 B.C., and Amenophis III 
about 1430 B.C., so that from the date of the extreme extension of 
Egyptian power in Asia to the commencement of its declension was 
a space of about 70 years. 

besides the gradual diminution of the will, or prowess, neces- 
sary to maintain her conquests, that befell Egypt in the reigns of 
Thothmes IY and Amenophis III, in the time of Amenophis IV 
there appears, so rapidly was the decline accelerated, to have been 
some special reason at home for her impotence abroad ; and the 
cause is not far to seek, for we know that under that strange 
monarch a most remarkable revolution, nothing less than a nearly 

His lion hunts in ihe earlier part of his reign, in north and eastern Syria. 
we know ■ . f.n- in the first ten years we have records of 102 slain by bis 

hand alone. I . Will.) 

10 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

total reversal of the most cherished dogmas of his country's religion, 
was attempted, and temporarily carried out, and although he reigned 
more than 3000 years ago, we have a very considerable knowledge 
of the crisis. 

Like many great historical events, it probably owed its origin to 
a woman. Amenophis III, among other wives, married a certain 
lady named Thi or Tii, daughter of parents called on the monu- 
ments Iuaa and Tuaa. Who she was is not known, but from her name 
being familiarly mentioned on two of the Tel el Amarna Tablets 
which were received from Asia, it is probable she had been an 
Asiatic, and her portrait, showing fair hair, blue eyes, and the colour 
assigned by Egyptian painters to the Syrians, confirm this.* Her 
husband also took at least four other spouses from the beautiful 
Asiatic princesses : one of whom, Kilkipa, is spoken of in a scarab 
graven in honour of the occasion, which tells us she arrived in 
Egypt acccompanied by 317 ladies of honour. 

It seems almost certain that if Amenophis IV did not inherit his 
heterodox religious views through the instructions of queen Thi, 
she sympathised with her son-in-law's notions, for she is depicted 
upon monuments as uniting in the peculiar worship favoured by him. 

He was, when a young prince, made a priest of the great temple 
of the sun god at Heliopolis, and became a member of its sacred 
college, and it may be that there, apart from any bias imparted to 
him in youth, he conceived a hatred of the powerful Theban 
hierarchy whose supreme god was Amen Ra. 

His portraits, of which we have many (more or less mutilated 
by inconoclasts who disapproved of his tenets, and some apparently 
caricatures), show most peculiar features, evidently an admixture of 
utterly diverse races ; features perhaps accounting for his fanaticism, 
and at any rate his head betrays a very low type of cranial develop- 
ment. 

No sooner had he ascended the throne than he endeavoured to 
banish the worship of Amen Ra and establish that of Aten. or the 
form of god as revealed to man in the symbol of the solar disk, and 
so determined was he that none should mistake his wishes that he 
changed his sacred royal name of Amenophis to that of Khuenaten, 
or "splendour of the sun." Wherever he could he had the name 
of Amen erased from the ancient monuments in whose inscriptions 
it occurred, and persecuted his worshippers. 

* Professor Maspero still thinks Thi was an Egyptian lady. 
II 



Jan. i2] SOCIETY 01 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

This abolition of a long received form of the Deity, however, 
was impossible to be carried out to the full, in a conservative 
country like Egypt and with a city like Thebes for a capital, where 
the prestige of the cult was so great ; so he determined to build a 
new capital and royal residence where Aten alone should be re- 
verenced, where the temple,* which in Egypt was ever the nucleus 
of the town, should be consecrated to him alone. So to gratify the 
royal will, about 180 miles above Memphis a city rose as if by 
magic, and was named almost precisely as himself, a splendour of 
Aten. There he erected a palace, and like a good Egyptian, near by 
a tomb, and there by, while it lasted, his great officials constructed 
sepulchres for themselves. Whether Khuenaten's change in the 
form under which the Deity was to be adored involved any return 
to, or commencement of, a purer form of religion we cannot 
positively tell, but by the transiency of the result we are tempted to 
think otherwise. Instead of being a prophet of a purer faith, he 
appears, it has been said, to have merely endeavoured by his auto- 
cratic power to enforce on his people a new form of worship, for 
upon his death it soon fell into disuse. After a short period of 
ineffectual rule by his sons-in-law, the dethroned Amen Ra was 
restored to theological honours, and the sacred city of Khuenaten's 
folly abandoned for ever ; and is now known only by the title of its 
mound heap of ruins and rubbish, as Tel Amarna. 

It will have been noticed that these two kings Amenophis III 
and IV, or Khuenaten, are the identical monarchs of whose reigns 
the oriental correspondence was said to have been embodied in the 
tablets whose wonderful discovery we are considering ; and it will 
by this time be clear why it is that the archives containing the 
dispatches between their Asiatic possessions and themselves should, 
if found, be concealed, as was pointed out, in such a strange place 
as Tel Amarna far up the Nile. 

i'.ut we are not 'left to conjecture, or even to historical proba- 
bility, for one of the tablets bearing a letter addressed to Khuen- 
aten's father, and therefore a document which would have been 
placed among the records before the court and with it the foreign 
office, was transferred to Tel Amarna ; has a docket in Egyptian 

The temple's title was Pa-Aten. A magnificent tomb, much mutilated, 
has been discovi red recently near Tel Amarna. being that <>f Khuenaten's second 
daughter Maquet-Aten ; three "I her sisters are mentioned in the inscriptions, 

\nl h-mpaaien, Merit-Aien, and Nefer-nefru- Aten-ta-Senu. 

I 2 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

telling us it had been brought away from the " Record Chamber " of 
Thebes when Khuenaten removed to his model sacred metropolis. 

Why a collection of dispatches to and from the Egyptian 
Government should be embodied in the cuneiform script, and in 
the Babylonian language, interspersed however in the Syrian and 
Palestinian letters, by a number of semi Hebrew or Aramaic words, 
has still to be explained, and this can best be done by a preliminary 
survey of the contents of the tablets and of some documents found 
with them. 

First as to the contents : they easily sever themselves into two 
parts ; a series of letters to the Pharaohs, or their ministers for 
foreign affairs, from rulers of the north and western provinces of 
Assyria and Babylonia, in *Naharina, Mitanni, Assapi, and Alashiya ; 
the three last of doubtful situation ; together with one or two drafts 
of replies from a Pharaoh to a king of part of Babylonia. Secondly, 
a larger series of despatches from officials or chiefs subservient to 
Egypt at various places along the coast of Palestine, in the interior, 
and in the region immediately to the north of that country. There 
arc a few tablets, or fragments of tablets, bearing mythological texts 
and dictionaries, the former marked in red (an Egyptian practice). 
These evidently served as text books to Egyptians learning to read 
the writing and language of the letters. However, her scholars had 
at least one, if not two, interpreters to assist them in properly 
appreciating and in writing the dispatches, with the absolute ac- 
curacy we know to be so essential even now in reading diplomatic- 
documents, for his seal has been disinterred by Dr. Petrie, and tells 
us his name was Tetunu, and he was servant {or slave) of one Samas- 
aki-iddin. But even with his help their task must have been 
tremendous, for the cuneiform script was intended for an idiom 
different to those it now embodied, its prolixity a scholar tells us 
was quite unsuited for diplomatic correspondence, and if ever such 
writings were said to have been used to conceal the thoughts of their 
authors, that may truly be stated of some of these curious dispatches. 

Coming now to the question of the letters and language, it would 
seem that cuneiform writing must at this time have been used for 
all, and the Babylonian language for nearly all, official purposes in 
Western Asia, although at this period Babylon was in more senses 
than one in low water, for her power was restricted to the low lands 

' This is the Aram Naharaim, or Syria of the two rivers of the Bible. 

r 3 



Jan. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [1S97. 

of the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, and she was ruled by a conquer- 
ing race of kings known as Kassites. How was it that Egypt was 
unable to impress her letters and language, at all events on her 
subject peoples, and that they and foreign nations with whom she 
had alliance, all in addressing her used Babylonian letters, and 
nearly all that rival's language? for some few tablets are written in 
unknown and untranslatable tongues emanating from the lands of 
Arsapi and Mitanni. 

The reasons seem certainly to have been that at some time in its 
chequered history Syria and her neighbours had been for a long 
period subject to Babylonia, and this adds another to the many 
proofs that the Chaldean scribes were not vaingloriously falsifying 
history when they state that far back in the time of their great king 
Sargon, who reigned 3800 years B.C., their armies had conquered, 
not only Syria and Phoenicia, but even crossed over to Cyprus under 
his victorious leadership. 

With their warriors the Babylonians would introduce their 
writing, and so long must their supremacy have endured, and so 
deep the impression which their civilisation made on the inhabitants 
have been, that it fixed irrevocably the form of their writing until 
the merchants of Phoenicia invented a simpler script. It must be 
remembered this effect would be much assisted by the similarity of 
language among the peoples we find using the cuneiform letters and 
the Babylonians who introduced them to them ; and as an illustra- 
tion of this it must not be forgotten that the alien and unsubdued 
Hittites always used a graphic system of their own. 

With regard to the inability of the Egyptians to impress their 
language upon the tribes they conquered, it must be borne in mind 
that theirs was a wholly alien tongue — Canaanites, Amorites and 
Syrians were as brothers to the great Semitic people of Mesopotamia, 
whilst with Egypt they had no such affinity. 

Then the richest part of Egypt had been for centuries under the 
domination of a race of Asiatic origin, no doubt using a branch of 
the very language of the tablets, during all which time their relatives 
in Palestine and Syria had been pursuing their own way. Then 
came the Egyptian campaigns immediately preceding the time in 
which the Tel Amarna dispatches were written, in which Egypt was 
victorious, it is true, but these expeditions seem to have been more 
of the nature of gigantic forays, and ended" by leaving the people 
she had plundered pretty much to manage their own affairs, pro- 

14 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

vided they acknowledged the supremacy of the Pharaohs and paid 
them tribute. 

It has been said that these tablets divide into two series, one of 
dispatches from the regions to the east and north-east of Palestine 
and Syria, reaching as far as Babylonia, and the other of records 
referring to affairs in Palestine or the sea coast and the districts 
immediately to the north. The first of these portions we shall not 
have time to discuss on this occasion. They are, however, 
supremely interesting. The peculiar matrimonial negotiations, the 
almost childish clamour for presents, and the subtle way in which 
wishes or fears of the writers are frequently conveyed, borders 
sometimes upon the grotesque. 

The list of articles of tribute or gifts present a complete epitome 
of the civilisation of the age, including gold, silver, bronze, lapis- 
lazuli, precious stones, horses, chariots, elephants' tusks, and " men 
who could run as swift as eagles' flight." 

Turning now to the second series of dispatches, those relating 
to Palestine and Syria : the keenest interest will naturally be aroused 
in connection with the five or six letters from Abed-heba (or Ebed 
Tob), governor of Jerusalem and the surrounding districts. He 
appears to have had control of a large portion of Palestine, including 
Hebron, Gezer, Askalon, Lachish and Ajalon. That he was 
Canaanite is proved by his name, and the manner in which he some- 
times employs Canaanitish words, but his nationality would have 
been, on the Egyptian system, no objection in the way of utilising 
him as a governor ; indeed, he appears to have been more than an 
•ordinary governor or " hazanu," as he terms it, for he often tells us 
he is not that, but a " u-e-u " which in Egyptian signifies an official 
of the Pharaoh, and must have been higher than a " hazanu," for he 
seems to have been superior to several such, or ordinary governors, 
who were included in his viceroyalty. 

These "hazanus" appear, except in cases where their names 
show them to have been native Egyptian officials, to have been 
•descendants of chiefs formerly governing the cities or districts they 
now superintended for the Egyptians. 

Abed-heba says he too was descended from a family that had 
been lords over the lands of Jerusalem, but now (as stated) he was 
an " u-e-u " officer of the king. This superiority of status of the 
governorship of Jerusalem seems to indicate that at this primitive 
period it was a city of greater importance than the others. 

r 5 



Jan. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

These five or perhaps six letters present a most valuable index of 
the state of affairs in Syria and Palestine as generally described by 
the Tel Amarna tablets, but before proceeding to describe them it 
will be well to devote a few words to the question of the name by 
which Jerusalem was known. 

Her title in the tablets is always " Urusalem," though in the 
lapse of time the Babylonians dropped the second u, for in the 
cuneiform inscriptions containing Sennacherib's account of the war 
against Hezekiah it had become " Ursalem." This discovery of the 
extreme antiquity of the title of Jerusalem disproves conclusively 
the theory that the gloss in Judges xix, 10, "Jerusalem which is 
[ebus," means that Jebus was an older name for Jerusalem, for here 
some centuries before we find Urusalem is its name, and indeed 
i Chronicles xi, 4, "and David and all Israel went to Jerusalem 
which is Jebus," shows that Jebus and Jerusalem were not 
names distinct from being anterior one to the other, but used 
interchangeably.* 

However, the manner in which Urusalem is spoken of in the 
tablets shows it included not only the city, but a district round. 
The tablets are explicit, speaking of " the country," or district of 
Urusalem ; twice omitting the sign for city and once saying "districts 
of the city of Urusalem.*' Now we know this, it gives a clearer 
meaning to the gloss in Judges and Chronicles, showing that those 
texts indicate to us that Jerusalem included Jebus, so that the 
Jebusites were embraced in the district of Jerusalem.! 

That this really is the view set forth in the Bible seems clear 
from the statement in t Chronicles xxviii and xxxii, where a list of 
more than 60 Benjamite clans are said to have lived in Jerusalem, 
where it must obviously refer to a district and not to the space 
confined within the city walls. 

The etymology of the word Uru-salem is uncertain. Most 
scholars consider it to be derived from Uru, a city, and Salem the 
name of some deity. The use of Salem alone in the 76th Psalm, 
and by the writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews, who appears to 
have had knowledge of some extremely ancient tradition, shows it 
was considered by the Jews to be a compound word, and if, as is 
probable, the Salem of (1-cnescs xiv, 18 (and Melchizedek king of 

Sic- Morris Jastrow, in Journal of Biblical Literature, 1S92, p. 103. 
t See Morris Jastrow, I.e.. p. 104, 105. 

r6 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Salem brought forth bread and wine), is Jerusalem, this is an 
additional confirmation of the word Salem being used singly, a 
translator of the chief reference to Urusalem, as we shall presently 
sue, considers the tablet to tell us that Jerusalem was sacred to the 
god Ninip, and his worship consisted frequently in libations of wine, 
which, as M. Pinches points out, may be connected with the offering 
of bread and wine to the guests by Melchizedek. 

But it is just possible that Melchizedek's Salem was " Shalem, a 
city of Shechem," to which Jacob came as stated in Genesis xxxii, 
18, which is probably the Shalim of 1 Samuel ix, 4, and the Salim 
in ^Enon, where John the Baptist was, as recorded in John's Gospel, 
iii, 23. 

Coming back to the title Uru-salem, it may be that the word 
Uru is the name of a god and not connected directly with Uru 
city.* Mr. Pinches' decipherment of the most distinct reference to 
Jerusalem, quotes the tablet as saying. " The city of the mountain 
of Jerusalem, the city of the temple of Ninip is its name. Nov/ the 
deity Ninip was entitled Uru when spoken of as the god of planting, 
and the prefix Uru may therefore be his name. It is true that the 
usual sign or determinative placed by Babylonian scribes before 
any word being the name of a god, is omitted, but one of the 
peculiarities of the El Amarna tablets is, that such signs for deity 
are frequently left out. 

Leaving aside this somewhat philological discussion, and con- 
centrating our attention upon the letters of Abed-heba himself, 
which have been fully discussed and illustrated by Professor Morris 
Jastrow, to whose erudition I am much indebted, and whose trans- 
lations have been appropriated, we find from them the following 
interesting particulars. They are all more or less occupied with 
petitions for assistance, and explanations of the serious position in 
which their writer was placed, owing to attacks upon his district of 
a foe he entitles the " Rabin,'' or Confederates, who were under a 
chief named Hi Milku, or Elimelech (often called Milkil, or Melech), 
and consisted of several tribes, or clans, the most prominent of 
whom seem to have been led by chiefs named Laba and Suadatum. 

In addition to such dangers of environment, threatened by such 
energetic enemies, Abed-heba seems to have felt still more keenly 

* See "The Most Hieh God of Salem," in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVI, 
p. 225. 

17 B 



Jan. 12 1 SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1897. 

that owing to his loyalty having been questioned in some '"evil 
reporis" to the Pharaoh, that monarch failed to forward him the 
necessary troops to maintain his position and the power of his 
Egyptian superiors. The following letter, probably the first in point 
of date of those we have, and one of supreme interest, because it 
contains the important passage relating to Jerusalem, gives a good 
idea of Abed-hebas epistles to his sovereign: — 

" To the king my lord, speaks as follows Abed-heba thy servant : — 
To the feet of the king my lord, seven times and seven times I pros- 
trate myself. See the deed which Milkil * and Suardatum have done 
against the king my lord. They have hired the soldiery of Gezer and 
( rath and the troops of Kilti (? Keilah). They have taken the district 
of Rubute. The province of the king has gone over to the Habiri 
people. And now also a city of the province of Jerusalem known as 
Bit Ninip, a city of the king, has revolted, just as the people of Kilti 
have done. Let the king, therefore, listen to Abed-heba thy servant 
and send troops, so that the province of the king may be restored to 
the king, but if no troops are forthcoming the province of the king 
goes over to the Habiri. This is the deed that Suardatum and 
Milkil have done " 

Here unfortunately the tablet breaks off, excepting that on the 
edge of it may be deciphered the w r ords, " Let the king have a care 
for his province." 

There is a difference of opinion among specialists as to whether 
the "city known as Bit Ninip, which had become disaffected," is 
not another name for Jerusalem, and it appears most probable that 
this is the case, and we should, with Mr. Pinches, read the sentence 
thus : "and now the city of the mountain of Jerusalem, the city of 
the temple of Ninip is its name, the city of the king, has become 
disaffected." 

Looking al a map it will easily be seen that Abed-heba : s foes 
were coming upon him from the south and west, for there lay 
Gezer, Gath, and Keilah. 

The Pharaoh does not. however, appear to have been favourably 
impressed by Abed-heba's appeals and statements; perhaps with 
^ood reason, for the three chiefs he so denounces all appear by 
letters from themselves to have also been protesting their allegiance 
to Egypt and Elimelech even applies for Egyptian troops to be sent 

Oi (1 1.) Melech. 

iS 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

him ; whilst Laba actually writes a letter repudiating Abed-heba's 
charges against him and Elimelech. 

"See," he declares. "I am the faithful servant of the king; I 
have not committed sin, neither have I transgressed ; I have not 
withheld my tribute." 

Further, he says, the reports against him are calumnies, and he 
only entered Gezer in good faith and to succour Elimelech, and 
having done so handed over his soldiers to Yapti Addi, an Egyptian 
emissary. Finally, he winds up his protestation of loyalty thus : — 

"If the king were to send to me " (the order) "plunge thy bronze 
sword into thy heart I could die without fail," a somewhat 
Japanese challenge to fidelity, but an offer which may charitably 
be taken as proving his loyalty.* 

Suardatum deliberately denounces Abed-heba as a traitor, 
saying: " He sent to Keilah instigating it to revolt, saying, 'Take 
money and follow me.'" Elimelech,! however, confirms Abed-heba's 
statement that he was an ally of Suardatum, by the way he mentions 
him, though that incidental corroboration does not in any way 
prove that Abed-heba was the true, and the other three chiefs false 
friends to Egypt. 

Abed-heba evidently became aware of the denunciations of his 
loyalty, either through a friend at the Egyptian court, or perhaps 
from his own consciousness of guilt, for in a letter, probably the last 
that we have of his, he says : — 

" What have I done against the king my lord that they should 
slander me in the presence of the king (declaring) Abed-heba has 
revolted against the king his lord. See, as for me, neither my father 
nor my mother put me in this place ; the arm of the mighty king 
brought me to the house of my father. Why then should I commit 
a wrong against the king my lord as long as he lives ? I speak to 
the king's envoy, ' Why showest thou favour to the Habiri and 
oppose the prefects, whereas it is they (the Habiri) who plot against 
the king, my lord?' And, furthermore, I say the lands of the king 
are lost because they plot against the king my lord. And may the 
king know that when he sent garrisons, Yanhamu took them." 

The tablet is mutilated here, but it contains complaint of 



* See " Lettre de Laba au roi d'Egypte," Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., February, 
1896. 

t There are at least three letters of Elimelech. 

19 B 2 



Tan. 12] SOCIETY OK BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

Yanhamu having deprived him of his reinforcements. He goes on 
to say : — 

•• The cities of the king have revolted, for Elimelech has ruined 
the whole of the king's province. Therefore let the king have a 
(arc for his province and direct his countenance to his province 

as long as the king, my lord, lives ; whenever his envoys 

come I declare that lost are the provinces of the king, and though 
thou dost not hearken unto me, yet lost are all the governors. Not 
a single hazanu is left to the king. May he direct his countenance 
therefore to the troops, and may the king send the troops. There 
are no longer any provinces to the king, for the Habiri have 
destroyed all the king's provinces. If the troops are forthcoming 
during the year, then the provinces of the king my lord will remain, 
but if troops are not forthcoming this year, then are surely lost the 
provinces of the king." Then he adds a summary of affairs in the 
subscription : " To the king's scribe, Abed-heba, thy servant, bring 
the plain message to the king my lord, lost are all the provinces of 
the king/' 

The mention of one Yanhamu in this letter is of interest, because 
it shows another of the letters, known as number 105, must have 
predated it by some time, for in it, after again denouncing Elimelech 
and the son of Laba and others who had deserted from Abed-heba's 
authority, he asks the king to send Yanhamu to investigate his 
truthfulness, boldly saying, " Send men as a garrison for the 
protection of the country, inasmuch as the entire province is in 
revolt, and send Yanhamu that he may find out the condition of 
the entire province of the king." 

This Yanhamu appears to have been the greatest official from 
Egypt employed in Syria and Palestine. We find him referred to in 
numerous tablets relating to many parts of the country. Some of the 
chiefs praise him for his assistance, others suggest him as a referee 
as to their good faith, and tell the Egyptian government they have 
aided him with their troops. Others again denounce him, and 
sometimes he appears to have been first the friend and finally 
the foe of the correspondents ; so that altogether his office can have 
been no sinecure. 

One document distinctly accuses him of treachery, saying he 
was favourable to the Habiri. This or some similar slander caused 
Amenophis to send one Shipti-Adda to ascertain the truth, and we 
have his confidential report and result of his inquiry, wherein he 

20 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1807. 

tells the Pharaoh, " Yanhamu is a faithful servant of the king and 
the dust of the king's feet." This proof of the fidelity of Yanhumu 
throws a suspicious light upon the true nature of Abed-heba's 
obedience and loyalty. * 

Yanhamu apparently generally had his headquarters at Jarmuda, 
(the Jarmuth of Joshua x, 3), but his name occurs as the special 
Egyptian commissioner in connection with affairs in the extreme 
north, in the Amorite country, being mentioned by Rib-addi, 
governor of Gebal, or Byblos, also by Abed-ashera and his son Aziru 
(the Biblical Ezer), who were rulers of the Amorite districts, and 
had Tunip as chief city. In this case the rival rulers were, as at 
Jerusalem, mutually reporting against each other. There were other 
similar Egyptian officials to Yanhamu, all of which bore Egyptian 
names, which, as far as we can judge, Yanhamu's was not. 

Among these were Amanappa = Amenapt, Rianapa = Egyptian 
Renapa, and Pahura or Paur ; a colonel of the Egyptian guard at 
Jerusalem is called Khapi, the Egyptian Hapi, and we are told his 
father was Miyariya = Meri-ra. This Hapi was the father of Amen- 
hotep, who built the colossus of Memnon, and he is spoken of in the 
Amarna tablets as Khatbi. 

As we saw by the second letter of Abed-heba's, Yanhamu had 
been sent as he requested, but the consequence was not as he had 
hoped, the rehabilitation of his loyalty: for Yanhamu, if accompanied 
by the reinforcements, or if they arrived subsequent to his coming, 
kept the garrisons in his own hands the Pharaoh had sent, which 
probably means that his investigations on the spot failed to satisfy 
him as to Abed-heba's good faith. 

The third Abed-heba tablet, which we summarised in reference 
to the request for Yanhamu's presence, alluded to other rebels or 
enemies than Melech and Suadatum of the Habiri confederates; these 
new foes are the " son of Laba,"t the "sons of Arza," and a certain 

* A letter, No. 62 in B.M. series, from one Melech, probably the same who 
Abed-heba so denounces, accuses Yanhamu of gross tyranny in carrying off his 
goods, wives, and children, and appeals to Egypt for restitution. 

t There is a letter from Laba to the king of Egypt in the B.M. collection, 
No. 61, in which he promises to hold out for the Pharaoh to the last extremity. 
Another letter, No. 72, speaks of an officer named Zurata having captured Laba 
at Megiddo. Zurata promised to forward Laba prisoner to Egypt by sea, and 
the writer of the letter paid Zurata a ransom or bribe to do so. However, Zurata 
subsequently took Laba home and let him get away. See " The Tel el-Amarna 
Tablets in the British Museum," p. 83. 

21 



[AN. [2 SOCIETY OK BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1897. 

Puru. Further light upon the performances of some of these chiefs in 
the continued revolts and razzias, which were going in Palestine at this 

ch is shown by the (Berlin) letter No. 103, probably in chrono- 
logical order the third of Abed-heba's series. After repeating, as 
in a later letter of his we have described, his protest against the 
Pharaoh believing the evil reports of his conduct, he says : — 

•• See, the provinces round about are hostile to me, let the king 
therefore have a care for the land. See, the district of the city of 
Gezer, of Ascalon, and of Laehish have given them (the Habiri) 
assistance, inasmuch as the)- furnished food, oil, and various things. 
Therefore let the king have a care and send troops against the 
men who have committed sin against the king my lord. If the 
troops come this year, the provinces and governors will remain 
to the king my lord, but if not, there will be neither lands nor 
governors left to the king. See, this district of the city of Jerusalem, 
neither my father or mother gave it to me, but the mighty king's 
arm gave it me. See the deed Melech and the sons of Laba have 
done, giving the land to the Habiri. See, O king, and be just 
towards me with regard to the Kasi. Let the king find out through 
emissaries that they have done violence and grave offences." 

He then continues his troubles, saying Adda and some garrisons 
had revolted, and begging that troops might be concentrated at or 
near Ajalon, and adds that the Kasi, whoever they were, are in his 
power, and the king can do what he likes with them. Abed-heba 
pleads for clemency towards them in a halfhearted way, seeking 
first security for himself. 

There is only one other letter (No. 104, Berlin) of Abed-heba's 
correspondence to be now considered ; it probably follows the last 
described. After the customary laudation of the king, and stating 
" his name is fixed from the rising of the sun to the setting of the 
sun," he goes on to assert his faithful sending of tribute, and reports 
the safe arrival and departure of two envoys who had had handed 
over to them from him valuable captives as hostages and ladies 
for Pharaoh's concubines. He then gives a dismal account of his 
position ; all the country is lost to Egypt ; the enemy have occupied 

ri (probably Mount Seir) and Ciimticarmek* He then rather 
taunts the king, no doubt in hope of thus obtaining his assistance, 

* A Phoenician inscription from Larnaka in Cyprus, published in the Rhjut 
\ ol. Ill, mentions ;t Quormel, or Carmel, in Cyprus, a counterpart 
of tliat upon the Syrian 

22 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

by reminding him that Egypt still holds the distant Naharina, upon 
the Euphrates, and says, " How then shall the Habiri be permitted 
to hold the king's cities ?" meaning the cities of his district, so much 
nearer to Egypt. He then goes on to say, " Not a single Hazanu 
(Egyptian governor) is left to the king ; all have perished : Turbazu 
has been killed at the great gate of Zilu. Zimrida of Lachish has 
been put to death by his subjects, and Yapti Addi has been killed 
at Zilu, and if the troops do not come this year, then irrevocably lost 
are all the lands of the king. If troops are not forthcoming this 
year, then let the king send an envoy to fetch me with other officials 
that we may die near the king." 

The subscription adds : — 

" To the scribe of my lord the king, Abed-heba, thy servant, 
I prostrate myself. Being these plain words to the king : a faithful 
servant am I." 

To shortly summarise the information contained in these letters 
of Abed-heba, supplementing it by what may be derived from other 
of the Tel Amarna dispatches from persons mentioned by Abed-heba, 
it may be seen that the district of Jerusalem was threatened by an 
adversary who at the final attack was advancing from the western 
coast districts. 

By comparison of a number of letters, it appears the foe descended 
the coast from north to south, finally capturing Gezer and Askalon ; 
then marching inland they took Lachish, and turning northward, 
Gath and Zorah. Then turning south, Keilah and Gimti Carmel 
were captured, and in the end apparently Jerusalem itself. Some of 
the cities, such as Askelon and Lachish, according to Abed-heba, 
went over to the enemy through the treachery of Elimelech and 
Laba. Abed-heba begs for troops and envoys ; both were sent, but 
the Commissioners appear to have found his loyalty doubtful, and 
retain the troops in their own hands, and do not employ them in 
defending the neighbouring cities of the Jerusalem satrapy from 
Abed-heba's foes. Many of his local governors now desert ; others, 
such Zimrida at Lachish and Yapti Addi at Zilu (or Zelah),* were 
slain. The position becomes critical, and Abed-heba makes a last 
appeal for the help he had so often craved, with what result we 
know not. 

The way in which Gezer. Askelon, Lachish, and Ajalon are 

* Joshua xviii, 28 ; 1 Sam. xxv, 2-5. 
23 



Jan. 12] S0< [ETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

mentioned in one of the letters, seems to show that they formed part 
of probably the boundary cities of the priest-king of Jerusalem. 

We have two letters from the Ajalon governor, and they are 
interesting, because she was a lady. When she writes the rebellion 
had burst forth, and the Habiri were close by ; Zarkhu or Zorah 
has fallen, doubtless the Zorah of Joshua xv, 23, and Zorah of 
Judges xiii, 25. She also speaks of a city of Zabuba or Zebub, and 
M. Halevv, the celebrated Jewish scholar, suggests from this that 
the deity Baal Zebub of 2 Kings i, 2 is not lord of flies, but the 
Baal of Zebub, the city.* 

The writer from (lexer is named Yapakhi, and he of Askelon 
Pidya (or Widya). Yapakhi, f is perhaps known from other tablets 
-ent to Egypt, stating his fleet attacked the ships of Byblos. j The 
" hazanu " of Lachish, Zimrida, however, is to us by far the most 
important o'f all. He, too, is known from his letters, one of which 
is dated from Sidon, when he was the Egyptian official there, and 
one from Lachish. It is of him from the latter city that we have 
received the most wonderful contemporaneous evidence of the 
genuineness of these Tel Amarna dispatches. 

In 1892 the Palestine Exploration Fund were excavating at 
Lachish, the Amorite city whence Zimrida wrote his dispatch, and 
where he must have dictated and received many others. Among 
various small relics their explorer, Dr. Bliss, found an Egyptian 
ornament bearing the name of Queen Tii, wife of Amenophis II, 
father of the king to whom Zimrida's dispatch, now at Berlin, was 
sent, and far more fortunate than this, a clay tablet turned up similar 
to these from Tel Amarna, having the same peculiar idioms as did 
those of that collection emanating from Southern Palestine, and the 
same forms of cuneiform letters, and bearing twice upon it the name 
of Zimrida himself. In the words of Professor Sayce, "Nothing 
more extraordinary has ever happened in the annals of archaeology. 
The discovery had hardly been made that a governor of Lachish 
wrote letters n, the Babylonian language and syllabary to his 
suzerain, the Pharaoh of Egypt, when on the site of Lachish, 
only just then identified, is found a letter similar to those of 
Zimrida, in which his name occurs. Lor more than 4,000 years 
• broken halves of a correspondence carried on before the 

5 1 read Zabuwa, so Hatevy's reading is not certain. 
" "I he Tel-el-Amarna Tablets in the British .Museum," pp. 75 and 76. 
id., p. 47. 

24 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

Exodus had been lying under the soil, one half on the bank of the 
Nile, the other half in Canaan, and the recovery of the one from its 
long continued oblivion was followed almost immediately by the 
recovery of the other." 

Space will not permit of further description of any among the 
series of tablets or even of any single tablet, but enough information 
about them has probably been given to encourage an intense desire 
to know more of them. As an instance of some of the interesting 
results to be apprehended from a study of them, it may be 
mentioned that a perusal of the various translations of them 
presents the following allusions to Biblical sites in addition to those 
which have transpired in the reading of Abed-heba's letters : — 

Akko,* the city of Judges i, 3 ; Akzabu, see Joshua xix, 29, and 
Micah i, 14; (Achzib) Arka, Genesis x, 7 ; Arvad, Genesis x, 18; 
Ashtarti or Ashteroth of Genesis xiv, 5 ; Burza or Bene-berek of 
Joshua xix, 45 ; Gebal of Psalms lxxxiii, 7 ; Hosah, see Joshua xix, 
29 ; Hobah, see Genesis xiv, 5 ; Hazor (or Khazor), see Joshua xi, 1 ; 
Kadesh, see Joshua xv, 33 ; Magdalim of Genesis xxxvi, 43 (?) and 
Migdol, Exodus xiv, 2, and Numbers xxxiii, 7 ; Megiddo, Judges i, 27 ; 
Rabbah, perhaps the city of Joshua xv, 60 ; Sunama, the Shunem 
of Joshua xix, 18, and Samhuna, the Shimron or Sumoon of 
Joshua xix, 15. The writer from this place was son of a person 
named Balimi or Balaam. Zelah, Joshua xviii, 28, and 2 Samuel 
xxi, 14, and Zemer or Simyra, see Genesis x, 18; and Urma, the 
Ummah of Joshua xix, 30. 

Two other matters are worthy of mention as having been 
apparently satisfactorily decided by these tablets : one is the 
evident existence in pre-Mosoic Palestine of a deity named 
Melech. We have in Scripture Akhimelech, " my brother is 
Melech," and Abimelek, " my father is Melech," and it has been 
suggested the Melek there is merely a title of Jehovah, but in the 
tablets we have A-bi-mil-ki (or Abimelech) and Mil-ki-ilu or Melek 
is god ; perhaps the similarity of Melech to Moloch, Dr. Barton has 
suggested, caused it to be dropped by the Jews, as they dispensed 
with compounds of Baal in later names. 

The second deity upon which light is thrown is Ashera, the 

* The governor of Akko had a Babylonian's feet amputated : he was a 
Canaanite, and cruel like Adoni-Bezek, who cut off the thumbs and great toes 
of 70 kings, Judges i, 5 (see Prof. C. P. Tiele, "Western Asia according to the 
most recent Discoveries," p. 29). 

2 5 



Jan. [2 SOCIETY 01- BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

goddess of 1 Kings xv, 13, and perhaps of Judges iii, 7. In the 
Berlin series of tablets a name of one Arad-a-si-irta, or Ebedashera 
is often mentioned. That the name is theophorous we know 
because twice the d. p. ilu is found, and not long ago a Phoenician 
inscription of Cyprus was found dedicated " to my lady the mother 
Ashera." This interesting point has been cleared up by Dr. Barton, 
to whose essays reference should be made.* 

It in very remarkable also that the word " ilani " is used in plural 
for the singular god as the Israelites used Elohim, so that the use of 
the plural by the latter cannot now be used as an argument, for 
their having formerly had many deities, and Dr. Tiele has pointed 
out how the Syrian governors in speaking cf Amen to Amenophis III 
do not acknowledge him as a deity except in an indirect manner, 
always qualifying him as the "god creator of my brother's life" 
(" ilu sabu ahia "). 

Note. 

In the Berlin tablets recently published by Dr. Winckler the 
name U-ru-sa-lim occurs seven times, and once Winckler has supplied 
it conjecturally. 

In B 103 , line 25, the phrase is mat ma/jaz Urusalim, "the land (or 
district) of the town (or stronghold) of Jerusalem ; " in line 46 it is 
mat al Urusalim, "the land of the city of Jerusalem;" in line 61 
simply mat Urusalim, "the district of Jerusalem;" and in line 63 
it is malati al Urusalim, "the lands (or territories) of the city of 
Jerusalem." This seems to be the only place where the scribe has 
written the plural ("^ V or ^ f«->*-) instead of the usual V sing. 

Id I!""' we have, according to Winckler, in line 14 sqq., alu mat 
Urusalim su-mu-sa (?) (a/u) Blt-Nin-il> al sarri, "a city of the 
district of Jerusalem, whose name is Bit-Ninib, "a city of the kings." 
Here Bit-Ninib appears to be some place within the territory of 
Jerusalem. 

In I! 1 '"- 1 we have alox alu i^^\) Urusalim, the town of Jerusalem, 
twice: viz., in line 1 and line 16, with hi, "place," appended on the 
latter occasion. 

rtii i " < ':: Native Israelitish Deities," in Papers of the Oriental Club 
hiladelphia, and " Ashtoreth and her influence in the Old Testament," in 
Journal of Biblical Literature" 1891. 

26 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [i8gj. 



TWO UNKNOWN HEBREW VERSIONS OF THE 
TOBIT LEGEND. 

[Conc/uded.] 
By Dr. M. Gaster. 

26 (11) And it came to pass in the middle of the night, about the 
cockcrowing, that Reuel cried to his servants : "Arise and dig quickly 
a grave for Tobiyah, (12) for I know that mischief has befallen him 
as it happened to the other seven men who made marriage with 
us." 27 (13) And when they had finished digging the grave, Reuel 
returned to the house, and said to his wife: (14) Send the maid 
and let her see and ascertain whether the young man be dead or 
alive.* 28 (15) And the maid went, and behold, both were alive, 
lying in their bed and sleeping. (16) And she returned and brought 
the good tidings, and their heart rejoiced. 29 (17) And they blessed 
the Lord, and said : Blessed art thou, O Lord God of Israel, for 
thou hast done well unto us, and thou hast wrought wonders (18), 
and thou hast rebuked the Satan, so that he should not be able to 
harm us nor our children for ever, (19) and all the nations shall 
know that thy name is called upon us.f (20) And Reuel commanded 
them to fill up the pit from one end to another. 30 (2.1, 22) And 
he commanded, and they prepared a feast (slaughtered animals), and 
he called all his neighbours, and they ate and drank and made a 



* J. adds, that I may bury him before it be day. 

t J. (18 and 19) reads : For thou hast shown thy mercy to us, and hast 
shut out from us the enemy that persecuted us. (19) And thou hast taken pity 
upon two only children. Make them, O Lord, bless thee more fully : and to 
ofter up to thee a sacrifice of thy praise, and of their health, that all nations may 
know that thou alone art God in all the earth. 



Ian. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S97. 

great banquet.* 31 (23) And Reuel begged of Tobiyah to abide 
with him two weeks. 32 (24) And he gave him one half of his 
riches and substance, and treasures and his sheep, and Ins cattle and 
his oxen, and his household, and of whatever he possessed he would 
give (one half of) it to him in his lifetime, and after his death he 
would take it all. 

IX. 1 (1, 2) And Tobiyah said to the angel : I beseech thee, my 
lord, let not thine anger burn against me, I have taken upon me to 
speak but this once, and do thou show more kindness in the latter 
end than at the beginning. 2 (3) And go for me to Gabael into the 
town (city) of ... . and take these tokens into thy hands, and receive 
the silver from him, and invite him to come to the joy and to rejoice 
with us, (5?) as I cannot depart from here before the end of the 
two weeks, the days of the feast. f 3 (4) And thou knowest that my 
father will not rest nor be still until I return in peace. 4 (6) So 
the angel listened to him, and he took four of Reuel's servants 
and two camels with him, and came to Rage, and he gave the token 
to Gabael and took the silver from him. 5 (7) And he told what 
had happened to Tobiyah, the son of Tobi, and that he had asked 
him to come and rejoice with the invited on the day of his marriage, 
the day of the rejoicing of his heart. 6 [And Gabael arose and 
saddled his camel and went with him.] 7 (8) And when he had 
come into Reuel's house, he found him and Tobiyah with him, sitting 
at the table, and he fell upon his neck and kissed him and he wept. 
8(9) And he blessed him and said : The Lord bless thee and keep 
thee, for thou art the son of a good man, Godfearing and avoiding 
evil. 9 (10, 11) May thy house be as the house of Perez, who begat 
He/ron.i (12) And all the people answered: Amen ! and they ate 
and drank and made merry. 

X. 1 ( 1 3) but Tobi was heavy and wretched, and it grieved him 
at his heart, and he said : my son, my son, why dost thou tarry, why 

* J. (21 and 22) reads : And he spoke to his wife to make ready a feast 
and prepare all kinds of provisions that are necessary for such as go on a journey. 
(22) He caused also two fat kine and four wethers to he killed, and a banquet 
io be prepared for all his neighbours and all his friends. 

t J. reads (5): And indeed thou seest how Raguel had adjured me, whose 
adjuring I cannot despise. 

X J. reads: (10) And may a blessing come upon thy wife and upon your 
'in ' 7011 your children and your children's children unto the 

third and fourth generation, and may your seed he blessed by the God of Israel 
who reigneth for ever. 

28 



Tan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

are thy steps so long in coming ?* Such was his custom all the days. 
2 (4) And Hanna wept and did not eat, for her sighs were many and 
her heart was faint. 3 And she said to her husband : thou are verily 
guilty of this great tribulation which thou hast brought upon us, 4! 
for thou hast sent away our son, the joy of our heart, the nourisher of 
our old age, under whose shadow we would live among the nations. 
5 (6) And Tobi answered her : fear not, my sister, for [I trust in the 
lovingkindness of my God, that he will bring him back] in peace, as 
the man who went with him is very trusty [and he is an angel from 
the Lord of hosts]. 6 (j)X Go outside, my sister, and see, perhaps it 
might be the will of God, through his mercy, that thou bring me 
tidings and rejoice my fainting heart. Such was his custom all the 
time his son was abroad.^ 7 (9) Tobiyah was thinking in his own 
heart, and he said to Reuel, his father-in-law : why dost thou make 
me tarry, and God has made my way prosperous, whilst the sleep 
has fled from my father and my mother, they do not rest nor are 
ihey still [until I return home in peace ?]j| 8 [But Reuel said to his 
son-in-law : be content, I pray thee, and tarry with me ; fulfil these 
two weeks, and I will send thee away with mirth and with song. 
9 But Tobi answered : no, my lord, listen to me, and send me away, 
so that I go to my country, and my wife with me.] 10 (10) When 
Reuel saw that he could not prevail upon him, he sent him away, and 
his wife with him, with silver and gold, and precious things, and 
cattle, and great household, and with great mirth. II (n)^I And 



* X. J. (1-3) reads: But as Tobias made longer stay upon occasion of the 
marriage, Tobias his father was solicitous, saying, Why thinkest thou doth my 
son tarry, or why is he detained there ? (2) Is Gabelus dead, thinkest thou, and 
no man will pay him the money ? (3) And he began to be exceeding sad both 
he and Anna his wife with him : and they began both to weep together, because 
their son did not return to them on the day appointed. 

t J- (5) (here missing) : We having all things together in thee alone, ought 
not to have let thee go from us. 

+ J. (7) reads : But she could by no means be comforted, but daily running 
out looking round about, and went into all the ways by which there seemed 
any hope he might return, that she might if possible see him coming afar off. 

§ J. (8) (here missing) reads : But Raguel said to his son-in-law, stay here, 
and I will send a messenger to Tobias thy father, that thou art in health. 

il J. (9) : And Tobias said to him, I know that my father and mother now 
count the days, and their spirit is grievously afflicted within them." 

IT J. (11) : " saying, the holy angel of the Lord be with you in your journey, 
and bring you through safe, and that you may find all things well about your 
parents, and my eyes may see your children before I die." 

29 



\\. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

Reuel blessed his daughter, and said : may the Lord God of Israel 
give unto thee seed of men, and prosper thy way ! * 

XI. I And they sent him away, and his wife [and all his rela- 
tions and friends and acquaintances went with him one day's journey, 
and they gave him gifts, everyone a ring of gold, a Qesitah and a 
piece of silver : (1) and they went on their way to the city of 
Nineveh.] 2(2) And when they came near the city, the angel of 
the Lord said to Tobiyah : thou knowest that it is a long time since 
we have separated ourselves from your father. 3 (3) Set thy steps 
on thy walk and go quickly to thy father, and I will lead on softly 
according to the pace of the flock. 4 (4) And Tobiyah said : the 
word is good which thou hast spoken. And he hastened and saddled 
his ass, and he arose and went.t 5 (7) And the angel charged 
Tobiyah : as soon as thou shalt come into the house, forthwith give 
thanks to God and bless him, and go to thy father and kiss him. 
6 (8) And the gall of the fish which thou hast put up to keep, take 
with thee and anoint the eyes of thy father, and he will see, and his 
heart will rejoice. 7 Then Tobiyah went away from him and came 
into the town ; (s)J when he came near his mother perceived him 
(6)§ and she ran and told it to her husband.|| 8 (10) And Tobi 
rejoiced exceedingly, and he arose from his bed and wanted to run to 
meet his son, and he dashed his foot against a stone [and he fell 
down, for his eyes were blind]. 9 And Tobiyah hastened (n) [and 
descended from the ass and lifted his father up from the ground] and 
kissed him, and they wept (12) and worshipped God; they praised 
him and blessed him with a loud voice. 10 (13) And Tobiyah took 
the gall of the fish and annointed the eyes of his father with it 
(14, 15) and his eyes were opened ; and the white substance which 

|. adds (12-13) : And the parents taking their daughter kissed her and let 
her go. (13) Admonishing her to honour her father and mother-in-law, to love 
her husband, to take care of the family, to govern the house, and to behave 
herself irreprehensibly. 

f J. reads (4) : And as their going pleased him, Raphael said to Tobias, 
Take with thee of the gall of the fish, for it will he necessary. So Tobias took 
?ome of that gall and departed. 

+ J. (5): But Anna sat beside the way daily, on the top of a hill, from whence 
5he might see afar off. 

§ J. (6) And while she watched his coming from that place, she saw him afar 
off, and presently perceived it was her son coming. 

J. (9) omitted : Then the dog which had been with them in the way, ran 
before, and coming as if In- had brought the news, showed his joy by hi- fawning 
and wagging his tail. 

30 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

•covered the eyes fell off, and he rejoiced exceedingly.* n (16) When 
Hannah saw that her husband was seeing, she worshipped God. 
12 (17) And she said : blessed be the Lord God of Israel, who has 
comforted us and has magnified his mercy. t 13 (18) And it came 
to pass after the completion of seven days that Sarah arrived with all 
the cattle and the young and the camels and beasts which her father 
Reuel had given her. 14 (19) And Tobiyah told his father all that 
had happened to him, and what the angel had done for him, and how 
God had prospered him. % 

XII. 1 (1) And Tobi said to his son : in what manner shall we 
honour this man ? (2, 3) for all that thou hast, has come to thee 
through him. He has moreover killed the demon, and has done 
many wondrous things for thee? 2 (4) And now, my son, call him, 
that he may take one half of the riches which thou hast brought. 
3 (5) And he listened to his father, and called the angel. And he 
besought him and said : I pray thee, my Lord, man of God, behold 
the Lord has blessed me for thy sake : choose thee from all that I 
possess, and take one half thereof. (6) And he answered : I will 
not take anything ; 4 but do ye serve God with fear, and worship 
him and praise his holy name, for he renders to every man according 
to his work. 5 And blessed be now the Lord who has rendered thee 
thy reward, for thou hast acted towards the dead in piety and in 
truth. 6 And the strength of Israel will not lie or utter falsehood, for 
he is truthful. 7 (9) And righteousness (alms) delivers from death. § 
8 (13) And God has tried thee and has brought upon thee tribulations, 



* J. (14 and 15) : (14) And he stayed about half an hour ; and a white skin 
began to come out of his eyes, like the skin of an egg (15) and Tobias took hold 
of it and drew it from his eyes, and immediately he recovered his sight. 

t J. (17) : And Tobias said, I bless thee, O Lord God of Israel, because 
thou hast chastised me, and thou hast saved me : and behold I see Tobias my son. 

X J • (20 and 21 ) omitted in our text. (20) And Achior and Nabath the kinsmen 
of Tobias came rejoicing for Tobias, and congratulating with him for all the good 
things that God had done for him. (21) And for seven days they feasted and 
rejoiced all with great joy. 

§ J. (6-13) corresponding to end of 3 and 4-7 differs greatly ; J. (7~S) and 
(10-12) are missing here. (7) For it is good to hide the secret of a king : but honour- 
able to reveal and confess the works of God. (8) Prayer is good with fasting and 
alms, more than to lay up treasures of gold. (10) But they that commit sin and 
iniquity, are enemies to their own soul. (11) I discover then the truth unto you 
and I will not hide the secret from you. (12) When thou didst pray with tears, 
and didst bury the dead, and didst leave thy dinner, and hide the dead by day 
in thy house, and bury them by night, I offered thy prayer to the Lord. 

3* 



I an. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

and has purified thee as silver and has heard thy prayer. 9(15) And 
he has sent me, the angel Raphael one of the seven princes who 
minister first in the presence of the King, the Lord of hosts. 
10 (14) And he commanded me to heal thee and to save thee and to 
conduct thy son and to bring him back; for God had listened to thy 
prayer and to thy reproach, and to the prayer and reproach of Sarah. 

II (16) And when they had heard his words, they were amazed one 
at another, and they fell down upon their faces. 12 ( 1 7) And he said 
to them, fear not,* (18) for I came by the word of God, and by his 
command have I done all these things [and not by any will of mine], 
(19) and behold, at the sight of your eyes I appeared to eat and 
drinkj and yet did I neither eat bread nor drink water. % 13 (21, 
22) So they arose and blessed God, and the angel had disappeared, 
and they did not know it (see it), for they feared that they would die, 
as their eyes had seen an angel of the Lord of hosts. 

XIII. I (1) And they arose and blessed God the Lord their God. 
And Tobi said : blessed art thou, O Lord, and great are thy works, 
and thou shalt reign for ever and ever. 2 (2) For [thine is the 
kingdom], thou leadest down to Sheol and bringest up again, he 
wounds and he heals, and there is none who could deliver out of 
his hand. 3 (3)^ O give thanks unto the Lord, for he is good : for his 
mercy endureth for ever. 4 Who can utter the mighty acts of the 
Lord, or show forth all his praise? unto thee praise shall be given. 
5 bless the Lord, O my soul, O Lord my God, thou art very great ; 
thou art clothed with honour and majesty. 6 Blessed be the 
Lord God of Israel from everlasting even to everlasting. And all 
the people say : Amen ! 7 And it came to "pass that before they 
had finished their repast Tobiyah was told : lo, thy wife has come 
with the cattle and the flock. And they arose and went to meet 
them with timbrels and dances, and they brought them into the 
house with mirth and songs. 8 And they fulfilled the days of the 
feast, and they blessed God with a loud voice : Oh that men would 
praise the Lord for his loving kindness, and for all the good deeds 
and the wondrous things which Cod has wrought for us. 9 And 



' J. adds, l'cace lie lo you. 

t I. reads: but I use an invisible meal and drink, which cannot be seen l>y 
men. 

20) omitted here : It is time therefore thai I return to him that sent me : 
hut bless >'• < iod, and publish all his wonderful works. 
(3 I [ of chap ' 1 itally different from J. 

32 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Tobi said : blessed art thou, oh Lord God of Israel, because thou 
hast not denied us thy love and thy truth, thou who art the keeper 
of the covenant, and of the love for those who love thee and keep 
thy covenant. 10 And Tobi said to his son and to his wife Sarah, 
O give thanks unto the Lord, call upon his name ; make known his 
doing among the peoples, because he has dealt wondrously with us, 
and has changed our mourning into mirth, and our sorrow into 
dance and a day of feasting. And all the people answered : Amen ! 
and Tobi said to his son Tobiyah : blessed be our Lord, of whose 
gifts we have eaten, and through whose goodness we live. And all 
the people answered : blessed be our Lord, of whose gifls'we have 
eaten, and through whose goodness we live. 12 And all the 
people arose and blessed Tobi and his wife, and Tobiyah his son, 
and his daughter-in-law, and they said to Tobiyah : may thy house 
be like unto the house of Perez. And they answered : Amen ! And 
they went, everyone of them, to their tents, joyful and glad of 
heart. 

XIV. 1 (1) And Tobi lived after he had recovered his sight 
forty-nine years, and the days of his life were one hundred and 
seventy years. 2 (2) And he died and was gathered unto his people 
in a good old age in the city of Nineveh.* 3 (4) And the rest of his 
works were in the love of God, in gladness of heart and abundance 
in everything, and in the fear of God and clinging to him. 4 (5) And 
it was before his death, and he spake to his son, saying : come near 
to me, my son, and do not stand aside, for I will counsel thee before 
God, ere I (die) 

BE STRONG. 



TOBIT LEGEND II (H.G). 

(For the Second Day of Shebuoth). 

Thou shalt surely tithe all the increase of thy seed, that which 
cometh forth of the field year by year. And thou shalt eat before 
the Lord thy God, in the place which he shall choose to cause 
his name to dwell there, the tithe of thy corn, of thy wine, and of 

* J- (3) omitted here : For he was six and fifty years old when he lost the 
sight of his eyes, and sixty when he recovered it again. 

33 c 



Ian. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

thine oil, and the firstlings of thy herd and of thy flock ; that thou 
mayest learn to fear the Lord thy God always. Our sages say: 
■•Thou shalt surely tithe" (Asser le asser), which means: tithe in 
order that thou become rich, and tithe surely, in order that thou 
have no wants. This is an indication to those that travel on the 
high seas to give the tenth to those that are engaged in the study of 
the law. If thou tithest then it is thy corn, but if not, it is my corn, 
as it is said (Hosea ii, n), "therefore will I take back my corn in 
its due time." If thou art worthy, it is thy wine, but if not, it is mine. 
Rabbi Levi said : (Prov. xxviii, 22) " He that hath an evil eye hasteth 
after riches, and knoweth not that want shall come upon him," this 
verse applies to the man who does not bring out his tithes in a 
proper manner. For R. Levi said : It happened once (a history is 
told) of a man who brought out his tithes in a proper manner (etc.), 
therefore Moses warned the Israelites to tithe surely. 

1. The history is told of a man whose name was Tobi, of the 
tribe of Napthali, who all his days walked in the right path, and 
performed many good deeds for his brethren who were with him in 
the captivity in Nineveh : and he was left an orphan by his father, 
and he was brought up by Deborah his father's mother, and she led 
him in the right path. And when he became a man he took a wife 
of his own kindred and family, whose name was Hannah, and she 
bare him a son, and he called his name Tobiyah. And when he 
was in the captivity, in the city of Nineveh, all his brethren and 
kindred polluted themselves, and did eat the bread of the sons of 
the Gentiles. But he did not eat, for he feared God with all his 
heart. And therefore God gave him grace and favour in the eyes of 
Shalmanesser, the king, and he appointed him master over all that 
he had, to the day of his death. And at that time he committed to 
the hand of Gabael his kinsman ten talents of gold. And after 
the death of the king Shalmanesser, his son Sennacherib reigned 
in his stead. And in the days of Sennacherib Tobi did many 
charitable deeds for the poor, and he fed the hungry and the 
orphans ; and when he saw one of the Jews slain, cast out in the 
street, he buried him. Now when Sennacherib returned in haste 
from Judah, he went to Nineveh in fierce wrath against the ten tribes, 
and killed many of them, and their corpses were cast out in the 
streets, and none buried them. When Tobi saw that, his wrath was 
kindled, and he arose in the night and buried them ; and thus he did 
many times. Once Sennacherib asked for the bodies of the slain, 

34 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

but found them not. And the men of Nineveh said to the king : 
Tobi buries them. And the king commanded that he be put to 
death. When Tobi heard it, he fled. And the king commanded 
that they should pillage his house, and he hid himself from him five 
and forty days, until Adramelech and Sharezer his sons killed 
Sennacherib with the sword, and Esarhaddon his son reigned in his 
stead. And the king appointed Aqiqar over all his affairs. And Aqiqar 
spake good words for Tobi, and he brought him back to Nineveh. 

II. When the feast of Weeks came, his wife prepared a plentiful 
meal, and as he sat at the table, he said to his son Tobiyah : go, and 
bring to me some of our poor brethren, such as fear God, to eat with 
us. Then Tobiyah went and found a man slain, cast out in the 
street, and he told his father. What did his father do ? he rose from 
the table and he went with him, and he took him from the street of 
the city, and brought him into a house until the going down of the 
sun, that he might be able to bury him. And he turned to his 
house and ate his bread in mourning And he said : Woe that on 
us is fulfilled, " and I will turn your feasts and your songs into 
mourning." And he wept very sore. And when the sun went down 
he went and buried him. And he returned to his house, and he lay 
upon his bed, and his face was uncovered, and dust fell from the 
wall into his eyes. And in the morning he went to the physician to 
cure his eyes, but it did not avail him, until he became blind of both 
eyes, which lasted for four years. And Aqiqar his friend nourished 
him. After many days his wife did work for women, and they gave 
her a kid for her wages. And Tobi heard the kid bleating in the 
house, and he asked her : from whence hast thou this kid ? hast 
thou stolen it perhaps? And his wife Hannah said: they have given 
it to me as the wages of the work of mine hands ; I have not stolen 
it ! But Tobi did not believe her, and they quarrelled concerning 
the kid. Hannah said to Tobi : Where are thy goodnesses and thy 
merits ? hence thy worthlessness is manifest to all ! 

III. When Tobi heard this he was much grieved, and he wept 
and prayed to the Holy One, blessed be he, in the anguish of his 
soul, and he said : Lord of the universe ! take my soul from me, 
for it is better for me to die than to live, so that I shall no more 
hear shame. And the same day, Sarah, the daughter of Reuel, who 
lived in Agbatanis, in the land of Media, heard a great reproach 
because she had been given to seven men as wife, and not one ot 
them came in unto her according to the way of all the earth. And 

3=5 c 2 



Jan. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1897. 

her maid said to her : it is thou who hast killed these men to whom 
thou hast been given in marriage, and not one of them has come in 
unto thee because thou hast hurt them. And it came to pass, when 
Sarah heard the words cf her maid she wept very much, and went up 
into the upper chamber to pray there in the anguish of her soul. 
And she said : Lord of the universe ! thou knowest that I am pure, 
and I have not polluted myself with man. I am the only daughter 
of my father, nei'.her has he son to inherit his property, nor any 
kinsman ; and behold, seven husbands are dead for my sake, and 
why should I live ? But if it please not thee to kill me, have pity 
on me that I hear no more reproach ! Our sages say that on that 
day the Holy One, blessed be he, accepted their prayers, and he 
commanded the angel Raphael to heal them both ; to cure Tobi 
from the blindness of his eyes, and to give Sarah for wife to Tobiyah. 
the son of Tobi, and to take away from her Ashmedai, the king of 
the demons. 

IV. At that time Tobi remembered the money which he had 
committed to the hand of Gabael. And he called his son Tobiyah, 
and said to him, My son, fear the Lord thy God all thy days, and 
give alms all thy days, and do not walk with a thief or an adulterer, 
and set aside thy tiihes as is proper, and the Holy One, blessed be 
He, will give thee great riches. And now, my son, know that I have 
committed ten talents of silver to the hand of Gabael, and I know not 
the day of my death ; go to him, and he will give thee the money. 

V. And Tobiyah answered his father : All that thou hast 
commanded me I will do: but how can I take the money from the 
hand of Gabael, who knoweth me not, and I know not him? His 
father said to him : Take this ring, which he has given me, and 
1 have given him my ring. And now, my son, seek thee a trust v 
man, who may go with thee, and I will give him his wages. So 
Tobiyah went immediately to seek for a man who might go with 
him, and he found the angel Raphael standing by. But he did not 
recognise him that he was an angel of the Lord. He asked him : 
From whence art thou ? He answered him, From the Children 
of Israel. He said to him: Knowest thou how to go to Media ? 
And he said : Yes. Tobiyah said to him : Tarry a little for my 
sake, and I will tell my father. Tobiyah went and told his 
father. He said to him : Call him. And he said to him : My 
son Tobiyah desireth to go to Media; art thou willing to go with 
him? He said to him: Yes! And Tobi called his son imme- 

36 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

diately, and said to him : Prepare thyself, and go with this man, 
and may the Lord of heaven prosper your way and bring you back 
in peace. 

VI. Both went then on their journey, and they came to the 
river Euphrates, and they passed the night there. And Tobiyah 
ran to the river to drink, and a fish came out and ate his bread, and 
he cried out. And Raphael said to Tobiyah : Lay hold of the 
fish, and do not let it go. Tobiyah went and laid hold of the fish 
and drew it out, and Raphael said to him : Open it in the middle 
and take its heart ; it is good to burn it before a man in whom the 
spirit of demons is, to make them flee from him ; and take also the 
gall, for it is good to anoint therewith the eyes in which there is 
blindness, and they shall be healed. So Tobiyah did as the angel 
commanded him, and they went to Media. And Raphael said to 
Tobiyah : My brother, thou comest to the house of Reuel, who 
is an old man, and has a daughter who is exceeding fair, whose 
name is Sarah, speak to him that he may give her to thee for 
a wife. Tobiyah said to him : I have heard that she has been 
given in marriage to seven men, and they died before they came 
in unto her. Raphael said : Fear not ! when thou shalt be with 
her in the marriage chamber, take the heart of the fish and burn 
thereof under her garment, and the demon will smell it, and will 
run away. 

VII. Raphael said to Reuel : Give thy daughter to Tobiyah 
for a wife. And he said : I am willing. And Reuel took his 
daughter Sarah and gave her to Tobiyah for a wife. And Reuel 
said to his wife : Prepare a bedchamber. Tobiyah and his wife 
Sarah went into it; and Tobiyah remembered the words of Raphael, 
and he took the heart of the fish and put it on a censer and burnt 
it under the clothes of Sarah. And Ashmedai received the smell 
and he fled instantly ; and both prayed to the Holy One, who haa 
healed her. On the morrow, Tobiyah said to Raphael : Go to 
Gabael, that he may give thee ten talents of gold. Raphael went 
immediately, and brought the money ; and Raphael said to 
Tobiyah : Thcu knowest that thou hast left thy father and thy 
mother in great pain ; now let us go to prepare the house, and let 
thy wife come after us. So they both of them went. Raphael 
said to Tobiyah : When thou comest into the house of thy father, 
take the gall and put it in the eyes of thy father, and he will be 
cured. He did so. And Tobi said to his son : Tell me all that 

37 



Jan. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1897. 

thou hast done. And he told him. And he said : Blessed be 
the Lord who hath sent his angel with my son, and hath prospered 
his way. and hath cured two poor people like ourselves. In after 
days God blessed Tobiyah also, because he fulfilled the command 
of his father, and gave tithes of everything that he possessed. 

Hence we learn how great is the power of alms and tithes, and 
how, because Tobi gave alms and separated his tithes as is meet, 
the Holy One, blessed be he, rewarded him ! And because the 
Patriarchs of the world knew the power of alms and tithes they 
were careful in observing them. Therefore did Moses warn the 
Israelites, saying to them : Thou shalt surely tithe all the increase 
of thy seed. 




Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 



MORE FRAGMENTS OF THE PALESTINIAN SYRIAC 
VERSION OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 

[Concluded.] 
By the Rev. G. Margoliouth. 

2 Kings ii, 19-22. 

V. 19. And the men of the city said to Elisha, Behold the 
hahitation of the city is good, as our Lord seeth, but the water is 
bad, and the land is barren. 

V. 20. And Elisha said, Bring me one new pot, and throw salt 
into it, and they brought [it] to him. 

V. 21. And Elisha went out unto the springs of the water, and 
he threw salt therein and said, Thus saith the Lord, I have healed 
the wnters, and there shall no more be thence that which is dead or 
is bereft.* 

V. 22. And these waters were healed unto this day, according 
to the word of Elisha which he spake. 



Amos ix, 5-14(7. 



V. 5. Thus saith the Lord God, the all apprehending One ; he 
who toucheth the whole earth, and shaketh it,f and all those that 
inhabit it shall mourn ; and it shall rise up like the river of Egypt 
which ^ buildeth its rising in heaven. 

V. 6. And established its§ promises on the earth ; he who 
calleth the waters of the sea, and poureth them out upon the face of 
the earth, the Lord God, the all apprehending One, is his name. 

* Or, barren. 

t Or, " and it shaketh." See the note on p. 47. 

t Or, " He who buildeth ..." See the note on p. 48. 

§ Or, "his." • ■ 

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I a*. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGV. [1897. 

V. 7. Are ye not like children of the Ethiopians, O ye children 
of Israel ? saith the Lord. Israel have I brought up from the land 
of Egypt, and the Philistines from Cappadocia,* and the Syrians 
from the depth. 

V. 8. Behold, the eyes of the Lord God are against the kingdom 
of the sinners, and I will remove it from the face of the earth ; only 
so as not to destroy completely will I removef the house of Jacob, 
saith the Lord. 

V. 9. For behold, I command, and I shall winnow among all 
nations the house of Israel, as one winnoweth straw with a winnow- 
ing fork ;X there shall not [anything] fall upon the earth in the 
pounding§ thereof. 

V. 10. By the sword, then, shall die the sinners [of my people], 
who say, || These evils will not approach us, nor come upon us. 

V. 11. And on that day will I raise up the tabernacle of David 
which had fallen down, and I will build up its ruin, and raise up its 
destruction, and I will build it up as in the days of old. 

V. 12. In order that the rest of men and all the nations upon 
whom my name is called may seek [it]H saith the Lord who doeth 
these thing-. 

V. 13. behold, the days come, saith the Lord, and the threshing 
shall overtake the vintage, and the vintage the seed [-time], and the 
grapes shall mix with the seed, and the mountains shall drop sweet- 
ness, and all the hills shall be planted. 

V. 14a. And I will bring again the captivity of my congregation 
Israel. 



Translation. 

. lets xvi, 16-34. 

V. 16. In those same days, as the Apostles were going to the 
House of prayer, there met them a certain young woman who had 



' It may also be rendered "from the Cappadocians ;" but "from Cappa- 
d m :ia " is required by the Hebrew, LXX, and Peshilta. See note on p. 48. 

f See note on p. 49. ! See note on p. 57. 

§ See note on p. 49. |i Or, " those who say." 

11 I.e., the tabernacle spoken of in v. 11, or [him], i.e., "the Lord," with 
the Alexandrine text of the LXX. 

40 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

a spirit of divination,* and she was bringing her masters much gain 
by the divination which she was divining. 

V. 17. And she was following Paul and us, and she was thus 
crying and saying, These men are the servants of the Most High 
God, and they announce to you the way of life. 

V. 18. And thus was she doing many days, and Paul became 
angry, and said to that spirit, I command thee in the name of Jesus 
Christ that thou go out of her ; and in that same hour did the spirit 
depart. 

V. 19. And when her masters saw that the hope of their gain 
had gone out from her, they seized Paul and Silas, and they dragged 
them and brought them to the market place. 

V. 20. And they brought them to the magistrates and to the 
chief men of the city, and they said, that these men trouble cur 
city, because they are Jews. 

V. 21. And they teach customs which are not lawful for us to 
receive, or to observe, because we are Romans. 

V. 22. And a great assembly was assembled against them ; then 
did the magistrates tear their clothes, and commanded that the> 
should scourge them. 

V. 23. And when they had scourged them much, they cast them 
into prison, and commanded the prison-keeper that he should keep 
them carefully. 

V. 24. He, therefore, having received such a command, brought 
[them in and] bound them in the inner prison house,! and made 
their feet fast in the stocks. 

V. 25. And in the middle of the night, Paul and Silas were 
praying and praising God, and the prisoners heard them. 

V. 26. And suddenly there was a great earthquake, and the 
foundations of the prison were shaken, and all the doors were 
suddenly opened, and the bands of all of them were loosed. 

V. 27. And when the prison-keeper awoke, and saw that the 
doors of the prison were open, he took a sword, and wanted to kill 
himself, because he thought that the prisoners had fled. 

V. 28. And Paul called unto him with a loud voice, and said 
unto him. Do thyself no harm, because we are all here. 

V. 29. And he lighted himself a lamp, and sprang and came in 
trembling, and fell at the feet of Paul and Silas. 

* Literally : of a diviner. 

t Literally : in the inner house of the prison house. 

41 



[an. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

V. 30. And he brought them out, and said to them, Sirs, what 
befits me that I should do, so as to be saved. 

V. 31. And they said to him, Believe in our Lord Jesus Christ, 
and thou shalt be saved, and thy whole house. 

V. 32. And they spake to* him the word of the Lord, and to* 
all his household. 

V. 33. And in the same hour, in the same night, he led [them] 
and washed their stripes,! and in the same hour was he baptised, 
and all his household. 

V. 34. And he led [them] and brought them to his house, and 
placed meat,} before them, and he rejoiced, he and his household, 
in the faith of God 



Textual Notes. 
Gen. ii, 4-19. 

V. 4. Instead of ore iyevero' y ij'tcpa, the Palestinian translator 
read ore iyevero ?/ ijfiepa. The nature of the sentence obliged him, 
however, to express the dative force of 1} yficpq by the word CIOJ. 
It would, of course, be possible to alter the interpunction of the 
MS., and to read Old} |LdQj Oooi p \±)}o ; but one should in 
this case have expected r^llZ| instead of fOOl ; note the use of 
^iZ") for t'/ci't-o in v. 7, and for other instances see P. Sm. Thes. 
col. 2778. 

Note the order (agreeing with LXX.) of 1l>]o "U^GQs at the 
end of the verse. Pesh. has the same order. 

V. 5. "iooiQj shows the influence of the LXX. who have 
■xXmpov, but the translator has been rather free in other points. The 
LXX. have aypov for rni£fi"F with the preceding genitive con- 
struction in both cases, whilst Pal. Syr. has pCL^j for the first, and 
)lil} for the second. The ov yap ifipegev of the LXX. answers 
completely to the Hebrew "Vt^n NT 1 *D, but Pal. Syr. renders 
|;4^D, • • • • ^-»-4^ D 1 rKy W) and there is also no equivalent either 
in M. or the LXX. to %JL £\ . 

* Literally : with. 

t Literally : washed them of their stripes, or stripe (i.e. beating). See note 
on p. 53. 

J Literally : a table. 

42 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

,11 .^n. . in this verse, and »*»-i.Ld»|0 in v. 9 may be an 
accommodation to the Hebr. TW2& and HD^. Onkelos and 
Jonathan have TV2S in this place, and the former has also n?2UN") 
in v. 9. 

^Ol-^ r r LD agrees with impio? o 0eo? in Lucian's recension (Paul 
de Lagarde's Librorum Vet. Text, pars prior, Gottingse, 18S3), the 
usual LXX. reading being o Ocov only. Pesh. also (like M.) V»*,io 

|oi2L. 

fOOl fJ in the last clause answers to LXX. ovk ijv, the Pesh. Aa.^ 
and M. "pN being, strictly speaking, in the present tense. The 
imperfect ^Q.\zw> is again a free rendering. 

Instead of rr/v 71/v at the end of the verse, L. has the free 
rendering avTijv, which is not followed in this version 

V. 6. u? -vn^Vn — LXX. -, m ce ; Pesh. Uo^OO- The Pales- 
tinian translation is almost identical with the Peshitta in this verse. 
The LXX. rendering which is followed in both Syriac translations 
was evidently suggested by the irrigation of Egypt, which could be 
ascribed to a well (->/"/>/) rather than to a mist (IN). 

V. 7. "jauLv VfSo agrees with M. and Pesh. LXX. only o 0eo?. 

iOjl \mJi ^lL (the man Adam) combines the Hebrew D"7N with 
the LXX. rendering ai>0pw7ro<; ; so also is most of the following 
passages. 

Lucian's \a(3wi> after x ovl/ 1S not followed here. 

u Q2|a (LXX. 6/9 to -poawirov) need not necessarily be taken 
as an accommodation to "PCfcO; Pesh. also .-»ClQ£)j£> . 

V. 8. IcQuj JQSUk is, strictly speaking. " the paradise " (see 
Noldeke, Z.D.M.G., Vol. xxii, p. 5 1 1), but the noun is indefinite both 
in M. and LXX. Pesh. also only }cQj)* r S . 

l-MjpSo vA iO>CLO _LD combines two different interpretations 
of the Hebrew D"Tptt- Pesh. Uu^O ^D, Onkelos J^lp^D • It 
is, perhaps, worthy of notice that the LXX. interpretation (icara 
avaroXai = JjjJ,1d ^JL) stands in the second place. 

V. 9. jQl, again = LXX. eV*. The object of this addition to 
the original text is evidently to harmonise this verse with ch. i., 
1 1 -1 2. See also v. 19. 

No stress can be laid on the exact agreement of otAi^SDS 
(£Q-i)JQ£)) with, Lucian's iv fieaiv -rov Tapaoeicrov (against 7W 

43 



Jan. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

Trapu'ceiaw), as this would in any case be the natural Syriac rendering 
which is also adopted in Pesh. 

|Z0p3| «Ar-»> evidently represents mv elcevai ^vioarov of the LXX. 
In v. 17, however, where Pal. Syr. has the some rendering, the 
LXX. have only tov ^ivuxtkeiv. 

V. 10. In «-»> "jiCTUO the "awe conjunctionis " was unnecessary, 
as wij follows. This pleonasmus appears to show that the force of 
the Greek particle Be was not understood by the translator (or the 
copyist ?). 

The definite tense (oaj) is here used instead of the infinitive 
form of M., LXX., and Pesh. 

]oaiO after »*^;2l!sD agrees with M., Pesh., and the "alia 
exempl." mentioned in Field's Originis Hexapla. 

V. it. ^Q^o") — LXX EbeiXar (EviXar), which is the Greek 
transcription of nTHI!; the so-called Targum Jonathan b. Uzziel 

has 'priyvn in« • 

V. 12. OlOOljO (so also Pesh.) is in closer agreement with 
Lucian's kcu to xpvatoi> . . . than with to cc xp 1 " 7101 ' • ■ • 

IZjQkly^ LXX. avOpag. UpJ ia^D=LXX. X^ov b 
irpatrivos. 

Mr. Ball suggests that the Greek translator connected Drill? \vith 
Dill?, leek, and, therefore, rendered b X/Oos- b irpnaivof^ "green like 
the leek." *")2p> \s!jS> is, indeed, literally DIllS"! p.N, the stone 
of leek. 

V. 14. \> QOOqL agrees with LXX. KarevavTi, Pesh. ^^CoL. 
Onkelos and Jonathan have Nrl^TS 1 ? and TOT 1 ^ respectively. 

-»-oQ20, the Syrians, represents the LXX. 'Aaovpiwv. 

V. 15. v.^...j = LXX. bv c7t\u<tci> ; it is found neither in M. 

nor in Pesh. r J r l) )cCLi5iaao = M. f^y pi. Pesh. ,fL} )cr>.» ;g>«~> 

LXX. only iv tw Trapabciatv. L. adds t>/? rpufitjs; a reading adopted 
in Field's, Or. H. as the accepted reading of the LXX. 

Note the paraphrastic rendering ^.^l^OO • • • »**-^2) faijj, both 
M. and LXX. using the infinitive. Pesh. wiOlQ^^JO ^aiQ^.*^L2U> 

V. 16. Here only iO>]] without )aJ;0. 

^QOaZ ^Qa^LD = Pesh. ^QO]L ^O^D ; comp. LXX. ftpwvei 
rpn-p;. 

" jZp = Arab. <£j\S,]eyr. Ar. K2>n3. 

44 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

V. 17. For ")Zo;D| «Ah? see the note on v. 9. 

^QSjiZ Z|j (singular) agrees with E. which has 0«-/*/ (so also M. 
and Pesh.), against A. which has 0«7//o-0e (L. 0«7//tg), and so also is 
the preceding clause. 

\SQH»Z j] (sing.) against LXX. (jia^eaOe. 

Note also the emphasized pronoun v>Q2^Z Z|>, where Pesh. 
only has ^oa]Z> . 

V. 18. loij (that behold), is a free addition, M., LXX, and 
Pesh. having no introductory particle. 

fJ f (but) is also a free addition. ,-i^QiJ = LXX. -onjawmv ; 
Pesh. has the sing. (f£H|). like M. 

OlZloO, Pesh. OlZoo] = LXX. kut avTov. 

V. 19. ]oil^ l^sD agrees with M. and Pesh., LXX. only 6 Geo*. 

For >Q^ (= LXX. iht) see note on v. 9. 

iOjj Zo\ (without ]*J^D), the LXX. also rendering here -pov 
rov 'Arw/t; so also iO>|, LXX. 'ASafi lower down in the verse. 

.OClAu (Pesh. ^QJ|) agrees with LXX. owto, the Hebrew text 
having no object after fcO^V 

tOOl\ in both cases for the Hebrew sing, y?, agrees with Pesh., 
the LXX. using the plural aina for the first, and the singular avro fur 
the second. 



2 Kings ii, 19-22. 



V. 19. The Hebrew N2 remains unrepresented, as is also the 
case with the LXX. (in Lucian's recension, however, 'ISov c//) and 
Pesh. 

IZJQSD1 answers more closely to the LXX. Kmonerjeris than Pesh. 
I^ZqLd (. . . y cn^ZoSo). 

Lucian's thi/t^s after 7ro\cw<; is not represented in this version. 

\1r*0? = Pesh. ipo*. M. has l^Ttf. LXX. 6 Kvpto* (without a 
possessive pronoun), L. av Kvpie opas, but Syr. Hex. also i^Oj. 

* These verses are marked in the margin of Brit. Mus. MS. Add. 14,620 as 
H'bbl KTIOI] n»3*T X^-lp]. After v. 22 V (D?B>); see Lagarde's Vet. Tost. 
Fragmenta, (Gottingre, 1880). 

45 



Jan. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S97. 

jlooZ must no doubt be taken in an intransitive sense, " barren," 
and the same meaning or that of " bereft " will have to be assigned 
to \S-k3oZ at the end of v. 21. It would, of course, be possible to 
translate r»72\T?2 yiNm by "and the land causeth barrenness 
or bereavement [among men].'' But the LXX. (heiciwvucry is, 
probably, the word which the Palestinian translator is rendering. 
Pesh. Hlv^C ma y l )e either active or passive, but ]|..^!o>0 in v. 21 
can only be active (passive ^L^lD). L., on the contrary, has 
aTCKPowra in this verse, and dreKvovfievrj in v. 21. Syr. Hex. 
fAjJ-iVyvlo^oTt/a'Oi^™ in this place, and (Zqi^uJsO ( = sterilitas, 
or orbitas) in v. 21. For the suggestion that ]AaJ.jL.Ak) ( = 

a-<.Ki'ovficvrj) should be read instead of ]ZuJ..4-*^, see P. Sm. Thes., 
col. 696. " 

V. 20. The name Elisha at the beginning of this verse and of 
v. 2 1 (omitted by L. in the latter instance) evidently comes from 
the LXX. Pesh, follows M. in omitting it, but Syr. Hex. also 
\\a> N\ in both places. 

The word },** after fA^OO appears to come from Pesh. 

QScJO (Pesh. Qk)>|o = t >/3«\ C Tc) agrees with L. Syr. Hex. 
OV^iPPO (=0 6T e). 

CL»^.»}o (Pesh. OiA.i}o) = K«f rjve^Kav, whereas n *^rr>m G f 
Syr. Hex. = *.-«< t '\o/3o/' ; see Field's Or. If., in loco. 

V. 21. Note the }j| after A^flo] ; Pesh. merely LtSo], agreeing 
exactly with M. and LXX. ; Syr. H. )j] jm|Lo. 

The"waw" conjunctive in |au \lo agrees with L. and Pesh. 
(]] ^oZo). 

Note Zuk)j, "that which is dead f but perhaps ZuLdj = Pesh. 
Z|k3j, "that which dieth." LXX. 0«,>«t O? = M. JTip. L. has 

Un N\^OOZ.jO = LXX. ajEKvov/xevt} ; see note on v. 19. 

At the end of the verse L. adds Bi' nina. 

V. 22. ^Aoi after \j±DQ is taken from Pesh. Syr. Hex. 
similarly \*±D ^QJCTI, LXX. m vSara agrees with M. D^if- 

£o|? at the end agrees with M., most recensions of the LXX., 
and Pesh. L. has i C\a\ nae „ 'EXtamc. 

46 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Amos ix, 5-14^. 

V. 5. ;lo| _j r D01 is apparently an addition made for Lectionary 
purposes (comp. Acts xvi, 16). Pesh. begins with jiof, but LXX., 
like M., opens the sentence with xat. 

JJQD pa. is evidently, like VO r*.^") of Syr. Hex., a literal 
rendering of LXX. 7ravTOKf>a7wp ; but instead of the double kujjiok 
of the LXX. Pal. Syr. only has |jS©. Syr. Hex. also fajiDO only. 

^d'fO} ,--»?01 represents the LXX. o t0ri7rTo/<efo9 ; similar 
instances of rendering the definite article o when followed by a 
participle are found in vv. 6, 10, n, and 12 (also once more in 
this verse: ^r^LQl? ^iAoi); see Noldeke, op. cit., p. 510. Similarly 
Syr. Hex. »2ia..j OCT. 

Ql^on\ before jljj is not represented either in M., LXX., 
or Pesh. 

OlAa after kllljlLoo represents LXX. civti]i>. One should 
expect fcl].!4^0, the active form, but we probably have a conflated 
rendering, «.iJ.l>].So representing the sense of ^l^ni as translated 
in Pesh. (K,jo)> an d the following accusative pronoun OlA^ being 

taken over from the LXX. ; Syr, Hex. consistently Ol\ \L4L00 . 

iQAOJAjO (Imperf.) represents the LXX. jrevd^aovaiv, as it 
can hardly be supposed that the Palestinian translator deliberately 
used the imperf. to represent the Hebrew perfect with the waw 
consecutive. Syr. Hex. also .Q^>O|Aj0. 

CT^ after ^j;*V)\> also appears to represent the accusative 
(avTijv) of the LXX., the Hebrew having P73,- Syr. Hex. Old' 

_»5^iO> pOU ^iu»cn fcpQccuO represent the following M. and 
LXX. on both sides of the [ ] : — 

Kal avafir]<TeTai[wv 7roTajiio<? crut'Tekeia 

«VT/y?, Kai K(na(3>]<TCT(llJ li? TT07(1{109 Al r {V7TTOV. 

In this important reading Pal. Syr. agrees with Syr. Hex. as 
given in Middledorff's " Codex Syriaco-Hexaplaris^ but in Ceriani's 
facsimile (Monumenta Sacra et Prof ana, Vol. VIII) : .nmiO 
^-jJ^Ldj pou ^*\ 2o*»JO : Ol^jj ]^0 ")>OU yui\, in agreement 
with the usual recension of the LXX. 

It is possible that the adoption of this reading is due to the 

47 



Jan. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

character of the Service. It was the rising of the Nile, and not the 
falling, which was the subject of the celebration. 

No break is indicated in the MS. after ^*> ^Dj, and the clause 
that follows is, therefore, probably to be attached to v. 5. In this 
case, the Nile, instead of God, would be here said to build a rising 
[or aqueduct ?] in heaven. It is, however, possible that ^-»>01 
|l£5j takes up the same subject (|01-^ |£o) as *SjO> ^-t'Ol 
nearer the beginning of the verse. If so, v. 5 would end (as in the 
Hebrew text, LXX., etc.) with the word "Egypt." In Syr. Hex. 

]t~, > 001 begins v. 6. 

]A*JDQCQ!iD (comp. Syr. Hex. ]ir>raVn\\ is probably to be 
read as a singular, the LXX. having uvafiaeiv, though Pesh. (in 
agreement with M.) .-iQlommV). 

CTlZ A ^OO = LXX. teat -ri]v k7ra*/y€\iav uvtuv, and Pesh. and 

Syr. Hex. OUllXaSoO. 

The accusative pronoun contained in niD^ is not represented, 

although such a pronoun might easily have been placed after 
. m m ]\n This is probably due to the fact that the translation was 
made from the LXX., and not from the Hebrew. Pesh. and Syr. 
Hex. also omit the ace. pronoun. 

In place of ]]q2 ,jO |oilL \'£d at the end of the verse, 
LXX. have only Kvptov Ylavioicpcnwp (Pesh. pA\»,»* jajio), and M. 

niPP alone. Syr. Hex. ^D h-"I 1-»£°j m agreement with the 
usual reading of the LXX. 

V. 7. Notice that the Hebrew 17 (AQ. t/toi, B. ep.ov ; Pesh. 
■aL) remains here untranslated. Syr. Hex. has «-»^. 

The second N17H (LXX. oh tov 'lo-paqX) is not translated either. 
Pesh. opens the clause with (01. Syr. Hex. vy-ijlE-*!] Q^. 

^-tAaiN^No is in agreement with M. and Pesh.; Syr. Hex. 

\L\^ r M wiJ'^»yO=LXX. Kai toi»? a\\o(fiu\ov<!. 

U-Q>O^Q ^Ld agrees (apart from the different spelling) with 
Pesh. and Syr. Hex., representing LXX. ix KaTnrucoKia*. 

]nk)Ql ^10 (Syr. Hex. I^LOO-. ^LD) = LXX. e'* ftoOpou (the root 

meaning of y\p being " to hollow out"). Pesh., like M., J^T) ^k). 

It is noticeable that in Josh, xii, 23. D v 0""p?2 is translated 

48 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

]r>^nnvj rM p\V) in Pesh., the LXX. rendering being there 
fiaaiXea Teei. See P. Sm. Thes., col. 2917. 

V. 8. ]oAncoj (Syr. Hex. )i&**?) = LXX. twi> a^iaprivXiw, 

Pesh. |/u&^=M. n^i^nrr. 

... j wij ,— »r^ represents LXX. ^Xt/v 6ti—M. 1^ DON- 

J>Qj* r k) |j| w»Q . 1 a\ |j = LXX. ovk els reXos igapw. If the 

Palestinian translator had made his version from the Hebrew, he 
would probably not have used two different verbs to represent 
TfttZJN "1^1^(1- In the Syr. Hexaplar the LXX. clause is ren- 
dered by h) *J>a»- r !D A-i|1SqaLo |k 

"The house of Jacob" with B. against "Israel" of A. So also 
Pesh., Syr. Hex., and M. 

V. 9. ]j| |Olj \^ t l\ = cioTi iSov e'7«o of AQ, as opposed to B, 
which leaves out i8ov. Syr. Hex., also |01> 

. . . y \10L appears to be a free addition. See the note on 

P- 57- 

V^Q2Li ]], where M., LXX., Syr. Hex., and Pesh. (but in Ceriani's 

facsimile Uj) have " and " at the beginning of the clause. 

For ^Qma2 one should probably read tOOlPfcHnO, or only 
iOOlQ*k» ; Pesh. t00in»O>. LXX aw-rpipfta (Syr. Hex. \ t ^L) 

without a possessive pronoun following. 

V. 10. There is here no particle in the LXX corresponding with 
».i> after fc);**i3. Syr. Hex. .oZoSQJ ]zu£0!D. 

There is in this version no word to represent the Hebrew 73. 
LXX. 7t«7/tg?, Pesh. ^, Syr. Hex. .OOllo. 

It appears best to add .~»kjl? after uCQOffl, so as to bring the 
clause into accord with M., LXX., and Pesh. Otherwise we should 
have to translate, " By the sword, then, shall die his sinners," which 
is not likely. The omission of wi^Ql> is probably due to an over- 
sight on the part of the scribe. Syr. Hex. .-1^.0 |SDl5. 

The plural forms of the participles ^2',^ and A*L\ (see note 
on P- 57) ma ke it necessary to read ]AaaQ pi- > LXX. also 
in KctKa, though M. and Pesh. use the singular. Syr. Hex. jAalO. 

* Middledorff emends the f » *Vf> which he had before him into i>Qa)| 
but V) »jV> stands in Ceriani's facsimile edition, and this word is also nearer 

49 D 



Jan. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1897. 

— 1A01 before ]A«*Q is free. 

V. 11. The conjunction " and " at the beginning of the verse is 
neither in M., nor in LXX., Syr. Hex., and Pesh. 

Note the rendering of the definite tenses used in the Hebrew, 
LXX., Syr. Hex., and Pesh. by the participles 2> Q » nV) M(&>) 
and 111 - fciaSO On the other hand, Vl>^U> ^»?^ represents 
the participial forms rPQ-H, T '/" Tre7nwicviav, and one should 
vocalize ^^aij (but Pesh. ^.2Uj (?).) See note on v. 5, Syr. Hex. 

/T|A\g^V> " its (or his ? ) ruin," does not agree complecely 
either with jrPIHD (pi- subst. with pi. suffix), or with LXX. to 
TTCTTTicKOTa ai>T>)<i pi. subst, or with Pesh. ^OOlAlJ'0^ (like M. pi. 

subst. with pi. suffix). If, however, OlA-LalD (pi.) is read, 
agreement is established with LXX. ; Syr. Hex. tOOUiO ^AtajA. 
OlZ^aLDO, "and its (or his?) destruction" also differs from 
VJ-CHrn and t« KcneaicafLiieva airy?; but OlZ,^.. V>0 would agree 
with both. Pesh. *t001**1 ey >»j>mV)0 (pi. subst. with pi. suffix); Syr. 

Hex. in agreement with M. and LXX., OTlXjJ ]Asu*jCQSQ-^0. 

V. 12. This verse agrees with LXX. (following B against A in 
points of difference between them ; see Swete's edition in loco). 
Pesh. follows M. Syr. Hex. adds (-i;V>\ as the object of the verb 
"to seek," thus agreeing with A against B. The reading "^""n"' 
for Itl?"^ of M. must here be supposed. 

,JQlj is best taken as a participle (M. 7V£?J , Pesh. r^?); Syr. 
Hex. also r£&}. 

V. 13. pj> "threshing," agrees with AQ a (d\o?)To<?) against A 
(afirjToi) ; Pesh. p>|. Notice that this version, like Pesh., uses the 
substantives "threshing" and "vintage" in conformity with LXX., 
M. having the participial forms ttTVin and "^ip- Syr. Hex. also 
V^iftrA ]^h ; Pesh. "H^rA 1»?1. 

llJV^ ts^&QO "and the vintage the seed [-time]" is evidently 
a free rendering of the clause as it stands in M. Pesh. 1>^iO 
"i^UAj is nearer Q^12J7 1*"^ than )zi&ao, though again using a 
substantive for the participle "TTT. Syr. Hex. has no equivalent to 

* Ceriani : .nmAg)»rn^r) 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

ll'lA Ja^OO, and as LXX. has here nai TrepKaaec k.t.X. (vide infra). 
there appears to be a strong indication in this place of the Hebrew 
original having been used by the translator. 

The next clause : p>H^> tQ..VSQ*0 is evidently an attempt to 

render the LXX. kcu irepKaa-ei y <na<jiv\i] ei> to <T7ropu}, though 
tQ.i].kl»0 "and shall mix" is by no means a literal rendering of 

TrepKatrei. On the Syr. Hex. ]Lh\d ]mL ^Ssmo see Field 
"in loco" and also P. Sm. Thes. col. 561. #Q.akL»0 of Pal. Syr. 

appears to support the reading ^VllO (so also in Ceriani's 
facsimile edition) against ^\a*H1Q. 

It is to be noted that Pal. Syr. has a duplicate rendering of the 
original clause, attempting to translate both the reading of M. and 
of LXX. 

■ ^■f' is an attempt to translate LXX. av^viou Syr. Hex. 

V. 14^. Note the rendering _»^(7LO>, which is the usual Pal. 
Syr. equivalent for "ifty (LXX. Xaov pov ; Pesh. wilQlj Syr. Hex, 



]Aib^i2 



Acts xvi, 16-34. 



The Palestinian-Syriac translation of these verses is, as can be 
seen at a glance from the comparison of passages given in the Intro- 
duction, an adaptation from the Peshitta. For the sake of fuller 
demonstration, however, the more salient points of likeness between 
these two versions on the one hand, and their differences from the 
Harklensian translation on the other, will be specially marked in 
the course of the following notes : — 

V. 16. The opening clause, "in those same days," is an addition, 
made in order to provide a suitable beginning for a Lectionary 
lesson ; comp. Amos ix, 5. The introduction of the word f » *» . \y 
as the grammatical subject in the third person, and the subsequent 
use of the personal pronoun (^OotAj) in the same person instead of 
the second (ijfitv, Pesh. and Hark. ^G) is no doubt due to the same 
cause. 

!^Q-*f A^.!n2^ ( — els ttjv Trpoaevx>)v) is in agreement with 
Pesh. Hark, has (io^^l. 

5 1 



Jan. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

]vn orr>r> % X^OJ (genitive construction) agrees, like Pesh. and 
Hark., with irvevfia IlvBwvos, against the more usual Ylv9wva. 

Note that the Palestinian transcriber* employs the " nomen 
agentis " (SDQCQQ, where Pesh. and Hark, have the abstract noun 

The reading of Pesh. Zooi ]lD^O> (i0^O£) is here altered 
into psDQCQO Zooij |iOQ£QQ£). Compare the rendering f!o^2 pD 
Zooi of Hark., representing exactly the Greek fiavrevo/ievij. 

In connection with this phrase the rendering by Hark, of the 
Greek participle by ,3 with the following verbal form may be noted. 
Pesh. and Pal. -Syr. are here found to agree in another rendering ; so 
also e.g. Ao£lJ pO in v. 17 is the Hark, translation of KcnaicoXovOovaa, 
whilst Pesh. and Pal.-Syr. have >Ao (Pal. /"joci) Zooi "Ul)o). 

V. 17. ^ip after (.*»-» ^1d is evidently a free addition. iO^\ is 
in agreement with Pesh., Hark. ; and the more usual Greek reading 
vfiiv (against ijfiiv) is also to be noted. The rest of the verse is 
clearly modelled after Pesh. Compare the close following of the 
Greek text in Hark. 

V. 18. |*»0> is peculiar to Pal., but the rest closely follows 
Pesh. Note particularly that Pal. agrees with Pesh. in leaving out 

V. 19. The likeness to Pesh. is very striking in this verse. 
Note especially: (1), OlliD after 01^ .n^l? ; (2), Q^a] = Q-iAjf 
in Pesh.; (3), the closing of the verse with (xDQaI, "to the 
market place," and introducing fAl-ifk)? |*j^AO into the next 
verse. 

On the other hand, mark the close agreement of Hark, with the 
(ireck, the possessive pronouns being, e.g., translated by separate 

words (Olila} r*r^ — °i KVptot ririT/yv; tOOl^Jj fl>*AG£Dj =■ r>/v 
t'l>-jrimtiv aVTtov). 

Vv. 20-2 1. The likeness to Tcsh. is also much apparent. Besides 
"|Aj~» r k)> lAa'pAO in v. 20, note the phrases tQJCT ^j)OOU) Vs^pCL^, 
^S\ . . ^_»]lDO)j ^-» r £iV answering closely to ^Ol| (a>OCTL»j ^vSc, 
<_Ln U^OOlJ'j ^4LD, in Pesh. 

* I use this term advisedly, as the Pal.-Syr. version of the lesson is in 
reality only a moJified transcription of Pesh. 

52 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

—il^Loo in v. 21 is common to Pal. and Pesh. against 
^ij.oroLoo in Hark.; >^t\t agrees, however, with Hark, Pesh. 
having .<Ti<y)Vn . 

Vv. 22-24. The differences between Pal. and Pesh. in these 
verses consist merely in the special usage of words and forms, 
presumably owing to preferences of dialect ; thus Pesh. QOfSC, 

Pal. CLL\Z); Pesh. .OOLiA**J, Pal. ,OOUj]k); Pesh. Q-i-LoJ}. Pal. 
V. 25. Clearly a recension of Pesh., only note *j> after 

»floo\or. 

V. 26. Only a few alterations from Pesh., owing to peculiarities 
of dialect. 

V. 27. Also like Pesh. Mark especially |a,A.gP t^lKH against 

k£vSQ9 (owaaa^cvo>i) of Hark. 

V. 28. Pesh. and Pal. agree in the order of words, Hark, 
following a different order. 

The use of ]o> by both Pal. and Hark, against jSos of Pesh. 
may be accidental. 

V. 29. Clearly modified from Pesh. 

V. 30. Also like Pesh., but notice the paraphrastic form 
iZZL |GLi> instead of ,*"AV)\ as in Pesh. 

V. 31. Differs from both Pesh. and Hark, by the addition of 
Ol^QSO before ^iAa£3. The same reading is found in E. 13, and 
the Armenian version of Misrob, made in the 4th century. See 
Tregelles in loco. 

V. 32. Quite like Pesh. 

tOOlZjQyJ may be a plural, but the analogy of Pesh. .OCl,_*J 
suggests the singular. 

V. So- Note the omission of OOl after M^}^ 20 !) where both 
Pesh. and Hark, have that pronoun after the corresponding word 

| N)S (Gr. ifiatrTiaOt] civtos). 

V. 34. »j> after tOOlA is an addition apparently due to some 
special usage of this particle in the Palestinian dialect. 

Note the omission of iOOI^QO after mA.o.ioo The reading 
of Pal. Syr. is nearer aw ra- oU-w av-rov of D. and Lucif. than to 
■n-auotKi, which appears to be followed by Pesh. and Hark (the latter 
having OlAxTi ]AnAn^ 5>Qi). 

53 



Jan. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

Notes on Palestinian Words and Phrases. 
Gen. ii, 4-19. 

V. 5. |>Q^ in the sense of aypos is not uncommon in the 
Palestinian dialect. Noldeke (Beitrage zur Kenntniss der aramais- 
chen Dialecte II, Z.D.M.G., Band 22, p. 518) thinks that this use of 
the word may be taken to show that the translator (or translators ? ), 
lived in a district where only the uplands were fit for cultivation. 

V. 7. For wmQ2), dust, see Miniscalchi Erizzo, Evangeliarium 
Hierosolymitanum (Lexicon sub loco), and Noldeke, op. cit., p 515 ; 
also Schwally Id. in loco. 

wtiOQAJ appears to be a feminine noun with the termination 7, 

or perhaps at; compare *jQ-1£D< wiQJl' etc., in Syriac. 

Note the use of ^iZfO, literally: "and he was made," to 
represent the Hebrew TP^ = Greek km eiyevero. See P. Sm., Thes. 
Syr., col. 2778. The Peshitta has ]oCT10. 

]j-m at the end of the verse can only be taken as an adjective 
qualifying *.m. * °\ 1 , and the seyame must, therefore, be due to a 
mistake. 

V. 8. The letter ...» which is written over the vacant space 
between the last two letters of the word, for the purpose of correcting 
it into ^»0*CD|0, may be an afterthought; see however, v. 15, where 
the full form ^0*fr>|o is used. 

V. 9. In view of the scarcity of infinitives in this dialect 
(Noldeke, op. cit. p. 505), one should notice the infinitival forms 
PH**Sd\ and v>0^» V>\ , besides iZop*), on which see the following 
note. So also in v. 16 "qOaId, and in v. 17 ZqLd, infinitive 
absolute before ZqIdZ . 

|Zop|, used here and in v. 17, is a verbal noun of the Af'el 
conjugation from the root ^J; comp. QrP2D m^n, Is. Ill, 9. 
See the notes on this root as used in the Palest. Syr. and cognate 
dialects in Z.D.M.G. op. cit. p. 515, and Payne Smith, col. 2378; 
also Schwally in loco. 

V. 10. The form .■ij^V) as a participle of the Pa 'el conjugation 
in Palest. Syr. is mentioned by Payne Smith (col. 3310), and a form 
.•. n^V) as a participle Pa 'el act. is given by Noldeke, op. cit., p. 504, 
but the more usual form is no doubt **;alD. Or is -»»'^>^f> an 
Af'el participle? 

V. 11. ^aJlol should perhaps also be noted from a lexical point 

54 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

of view, although it is merely the Palestinian transcription of the 
Greek word which represents n7 v in- See note on p. 44. 

V. 12. IZiaSo.. as representing "carbuncle," and |Zp> \SUJD 

for " emerald," should be noted for the vocabulary. 

V. 13. Note the difference in the construction between 
^-i_^m> OOlj ^-ij (where, however, the J was added after ^-»y\ »« 
had been written) and ^^-K*-** 0C1 ? ^»? m v IX > which agrees with 
^O-ill OOIJ ^-i> in v. 14. 

V. 14. Uyir»l is the Palestinian Syriac for A!lO> (Pesh.). 
Comp. the Assyrian Tdiklat. 

*j_i5QCD='U_i>QC0. See Noldeke, op. cit., p. 477. 

V. 15. Note the separation of GlL* and iO>|J by the subject 

V. 19. On the use of |>Q-£ in the sense of a^pov see note on 

v - 5- 

Note the spelling -»_&»*1o for *jZu}o ; see the note on 

Acts xvi, 19. 

2 Kings ii, 19-22. 

V. 19. Note the form flooZ, barren, in this verse, and also 
^\a2oZ in v. 21, the latter appearing to be the absolute form of 
flooZ, just as ■ »» 1 \V) in v. 20 is the absolute form of ) » \V> in v. 21. 

V. 20. For |A^QO, see P. Sm., Thes., col. 3520. 

V. 21. tOOL«-QO*^V>\ is at first sight curious, but it is pro- 
bably = .OC7L»-Q Q£iSq\ the *2i being here pronounced like »^, and 
therefore written so. It answers in sense to the Hebrew N^*l£. 
Comp. |A*OQ2iLo in St. Luke ix, 31. Another possible explana- 
tion is that the ȣ) represents the y of *lQ^sD, just as NpIN in 
Jer. x, 11, is the same as ^}T^. See Gesen. Thesaurus, in loco ; 
also P. Sm., Thes., cols. 397 and 400. Pesh. has jlO'^VA. 



Amos ix, 5-140. 
V. 5. JjQD ja. here and at the end of v. 6, as representing 
■n-ufTOKpaiuop should be noted for the vocabulary ; comp. ^O r-»->-» I 
in the same sense. 



55 



Jan. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

With l*iDCL», ccelum, compare the Samaritan " shumejja," as 
vocalised by Petermann (Brevis Linguae Samarkand Grammatica . . 
. . . cum glossario). 

With lA^OOCQlD, compare lAnmiO (P. Sm. Thes., col. 2650). 

V. 6. 12.] ^O is to be noted as a variation of IZ^i^jD (see 
P. Sm., Thes., col. 3702). 

la «as]Sd, the root «a»1 appears in a verbal form, though such 
use is rather rare in Semitic languages in general. For instances 
see Levy's Neuhebraisches und Chaldaisches Worterbuch under 

tttlTN (comp. y^Jx in Arabic), and Castel's Lexicon Heptaglotton 

under the same root. 

^»Q21»0 can only be taken as a form of the active participle 
analogous to the Samaritan form " Katol " (see Petermann's 
Grammar, p. 21). As the verb is transitive, it cannot be looked 
upon as an instance of the form Katul for the perfect (see Dalman's 
" Grammatik des Jiidisch-Palastinischen Aramaisch," pp. 199, 206). 
w*Q£i9 could, of course, as far as the form goes, be the imperative, 
but the context is against this view. For the participial form speak 

also LXX. (ckxcu:v), and Pesh. (r*l). 

V. 7. iaaGI |J JLqj represents the LXX. oi>x «is (Hebrew 
■ • 3 #?hr\) ; Pesh. only ^1 )g\ 

Note the form ]ld before >i-i.tQ2 for tlie construct plural, as 
noted by Noldeke (op. cit., p. 479). 

The form }a.Q>Q2,Q is mentioned in P. Sm., Thes., col. 368S, 

as one of the forms used in place of [^.OOfZijD . 

V. 8. On the use of |1^QD in the sense of " sinner," see 
Noldeke, op. cit., pp. 518, 519; Schwally, Id., in loco. 

On the form pO^ = y&A (1st pers. sing, imperfect) see 
Noldeke, op. cit., p. 499. So also, e.g., Ij^iO in v. 9, and p_CL»0 
in v. 11. 

For the substantive form uO^t see Noldeke, op. cit., p. 517. 

For the use of the Af'el of iO> as exemplified in ^Q-ijiO see 
Noldeke, op. cit., pp. 516, 517. Comp. the note on p. 49. 

V. 9. On Ua,iAo see Noldeke, op. cit., p. 515. Compare the 
uses of lift, fc^ft as given in Levy (op. cit. pp. 104, 105). 

One should expect ^1 after 1>,10> to supply a subject. 

56 



Jan. 12] PROCEEDINGS. 1897. 

l-iir^? ]lsZ is literally rendered " the straw of a winnowing 
fork." laijiO is probably the same as JTTTEj which is shown by 
H. Vogelstein (Die Landwirthschaft in Palastina zur Zeit der 
Misnah, p. 69) to be the seven-pronged winnowing fork. 

V. 10. The fern, of the part. plur. A*L] agrees with ]AaL*£>, 
and we should also expect ^p'r£> instead of ,-a.d'rO. 

On the form 011j.^L — ,-» \a \\ see Noldeke, op. a't., pp. 469, 
482. 

V. n. |Z^.^2iLd in the sense of "ruin" or "destruction" 

should be noted for the vocabulary. 

V. 12. For Q^Q^ see P. Sm., Thes., col. 2130. The full form 
is . . ? q!^q1 (Noldeke, op. til., p. 489). 

For A»^» see Noldeke, op. at., p. 519. 

V. 13. The fern. tUZ] construed with _*10Qj is irregular. 

V. i4<7. .JL^OIQJ exhibits the use of (JfJlO in Palest. Syriac as 
the regular representative of the Hebrew Qy, Greek \aos-. 



Acts xvi, 16-34. 

V. 16. The «£0 instead of . in psDQCQO reminds one of the 
Hebrew spelling (QDIp)- I' 1 Land's " Anecdota Syriaca," vol. iv, 
pp. 200, 203, -OCl-kiQCDQ^ is found. 

V. 17. ^» r O, also found in the form 1 ,3= Jewish Aram. V*~]2, 
Samaritan \12- 

V. 18. «£OQCQa (elsewhere QDa*) occurs again in the same form 
in v. 31. 

V. 19. ^j after 1^20 is altogether meaningless. It might 
have been possible (?) to take it as equal in sense to the relative 
prefix > (compare Jewish Aram. 17, and see Adler's " Novi Testa- 
menti Versiones Syriacae " (Hafniae, 1789, p. 142), if that prefix itself 
did not follow. 

Q&-»! (=Qa.4-»I= :Q -»^-»I) points to the state of considerable 
decay which the dialect had reached when the MS. was written. 
Comp. kA.4^1 m Gen. ii, 19, and Q*.^*JO in 2 Kings, ii, 20. 

V. 20. For ^no'rlLo see P. Sm., Thes , col. 2985. 

V. 21. <_i) at the end of the verse is very strange. 

57 



Jan. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

V. 22. For the vocabulary note |«*1S ( = Pesh. («1Q); also 
^iHn (= Jewish Aram, p^), corresponding here in meaning to 

V. 24. Note the forms ^a-IlQ, ^S-»A|, >i*^«i, and ^co). 
Comp. Noldeke, op. cit., p. 492. 

«-»> after .OCTlZLi is strange. 

V. 26. Note the use of r ^nZj, where Pesh. and Hark, have 
JOOI (JycvcTo). Comp. Gen. ii, 7. 

V. 28. For ^Q*.^QO, and the various other forms of the same 
word, see P. Sm., Thes., col. 1 73S ; also Schwally, Id. in loco. 

V. 29. Note the spelling }l-».QC instead of the usual P-*»Q£). 

V. 30. There are in this verse two instances of the first person 
singular imperfect having the peculiarly Palestinian prefix <-i instead 
of I, namely, |OU> and l**~i? 

Note that *.»A\>.2tf (io was selected in the Palestinian adapta- 
tion instead of «-»^> (Jo ]l!sO of Pesh. 

V. 32. Note the writing QlA.».ni10 in one word ; so also 
GlAi ^ i in o in v. ^ In v. 34 the two words are written 
separately, but »AJL£iO is at the end of the line in the latter case. 

V. S3- For ,OOlZ>O.^J see P. Sm., Thes., col. 2281. 

Note .. \nfl £o| — .^CL^l- The form with ..CO is more common 
in Pal. Syr. than in the Edessene dialect. 




5S 



Jan. 12] 



PROCEEDINGS. 



[.897. 



VOCABULARY OF UNUSUAL WORDS 
AND FORMS.* 



Gen. ii, 11. 
Uur»! Gen. ii, 14- 
fcjL^I ( = ^*A*}), Gen. ii, 19. 

q&j>1 (=o»4»l=a.Zul), Acts 
xvi, 19 

Q*^»), 2 Kings ii, 20. 

;-»-Co] (and similar forms of the 
perfect tense), Acts xvi, 24. 

«a*| (in *a*]lo), Amos ix, 6. 

^1^*") (=in meaning to Ed. Syr. 
— iruQI), Acts xvi, 22. 

]lO (as a construct plural), Amos [ .r>Vra (i n the form *)Aj.QOrr>V)), 



ytGl |J ]iO ( = oi'x ^ ? )j Amos ix, 7. 

] 1 1 » V), nations, Amos ix, 9. 

}3iQ (in Q^kA, without follow- 
ing >), Amos ix, 12. 

-am ( for %02J ) i n . O OIa.0 OnV), 
2 Kings ii, 21. 

.OCnZjOyJ, Acts xvi, 33. 

•^ (in Uop]), Gen. ii, 9, 17. 

«^£>Q«J, Gen. ii, 7. 

t ^£iCD (for *^») in ..lil&fiDl, 
Acts xvi, ^. 

(1n<Y), sinner, Amos ix, 8. 



ix, 7. 
|Z>QSQ.t, carbuncle, Gen, ii, 12. 
»j> ( = £e), very extensively used. 
lio£, « 7/50 '?, Gen. ii, 5, 19. 
t-*.a,4 raindrops, Ps. lxv, n. 
tooJQa, Gen. ii, 5. 
JxlAqO, Acts xvi, 28. 
|Zp> I^jiO, emerald, Gen. ii, 12. 
la* ID, Acts xvi, 22. 



Amos ix, 5 (6). 

rZiL (in r dLL] = e^ei'CTo), Gen. 
ii, 7 ; Acts xvi, 26. 

>QL, Gen. ii, 9, 19. 

Oil *\s ( = ^,i1 j\s), Amos ix, 
10. 

^lO'rl (in k mn;SV>), Acts xvi, 
20. 

•_^2 (in the form U'r^aio), 
Amos ix, 11. 



* A vocabulary containing the more important words and forms occurring in 
the entire "Liturgy of the Nile" will be found at the end of the publication 
bearing that title. In this vocabulary the more or less unusual forms contained 
in the Biblical passages treated on are collected on a somewhat fuller scale. 

59 



Jan. 12J 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. 



[1897. 



ll.»»a£ (for Iju.QO), Acts xvi, 
29. 

*»;£) (in the form *A^;£lLD ; par- 
ticiple Pa'el?), Gen. ii, 10. 

(jQxO. (=evSoKta) i St. Luke ii, 

14. 
oiO. (in •Qjj.j^a), Ps. lxv, 14. 
JJOO pi. ( = 7rainoK{HiTti<p), AlBOS 

ix, 5, 6. 
\\oiO ( = ]SQ1), Amos ix, 14. 
JAaqo, 2 Kings ii, 20. 

r>£*A (*<" 7«/'), P& lxv, 14. 
IaQ^Q^O, Amos ix, 7. 

]LDOmo (=liOOfcO), Acts xvi, 
16. 

\L . 1 ^O, Amos ix, 6. 

ojQOJ, Gen. ii, 7. 



iO> (special use of Afe'l in 

^QjjiO), Amos ix, 8. 
A5 (in rLil = QVinn),rs.xxix, 3. 
l^lOOa, Amos ix, 5 (6). 
wiOtij, Amos ix, 8. 
'r^j (in iO^xiO), Ps. lxv, 14. 

,, (in 'r*a-»?. at the same time 
one of the instances showing 
the formation of the 1st pers. 
imperf. sing, by %.» instead 
of 1), Ps. lxxi, 8. 

Aj^s, Amos ix, 12. 

^*Q£l» (participle active, ana- 
logous to the Samaritan 
form), Amos ix, 6. 

]looZ, 2 Kings ii, 19. 

\\^2q2, ibid., v, 21. 



The next Meeting of the Society will be holdcn at 37, 
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, 2nd 
February, 1897, at 8 p.m., when the following paper will be 
read : — 

Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A. : " The Prophecy of the Servant " 
(Isa. lii, liii). 



60 



Jan. 12] 



PROCEEDINGS. 



[1897. 



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61 



Jan. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 



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Society. 

Alker, E., Die Chronologie der Bucher der Konige und Paralipomenon im 
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder. 

Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac. 

Contes de 1'Egypte Chretienne. 

La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere. 

Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu. 

A., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes 

et Assyriennes. 

Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts. 



Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und 

die Gotter der Heiden. 
Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest. 
Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850. 
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vol. 
I— III (Brugsch). 

Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies pas 

H. Brugsch et J. Dlimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen 
of vols. 3 and 4.) 
Budinger, M.. De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum 

Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis. 
BURCKHARDT, Eastern Travels. 

Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen. 
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1S62-1873. 
Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867. 

2nd series, 1S69. 

Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886. 

Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio. 



Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers. 

ERMAN, Papyrus Weslcar. 

Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1S80. 

Gayet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre. 

Goi.kn'ischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877. 

Vingt-quatre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de. 

Grant-Bey, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerted 

on the Religions that came in contact with it. 
II.-U'PT, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze. 
Hommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892. 



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Jastrow, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian "Dibbarra" Epic. 

Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier. 

JEREMIAS, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschicbtliche Skizze mit beson- 

derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen. 
Toachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch Uber Heilkunde. 
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative 

Semitic Philology. 
KREBS, F., De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio. 
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum 

Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berich>ichiignung der Re- 

sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie. 
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. 
Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2 me partie. "Osiris." 

Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre. 
LEHMANN, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173; 

47 plates. 
LepSIOS, Nubian Grammar, &c, 1SS0. 
MaruCHI, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia. 
Muller, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien. 
Xoorotzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out- 

dekkingen. 
Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa. 
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy. 
Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides. 

Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides. 

Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage. 

Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee. 

Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi. 

SCHOUW, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris. 

Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache. 

Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptishe GStterglaube. 

Virey, P., Quelques Observations sur l'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d'un 

Monument Egyptien. 
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891. 
Wai.tiier, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone an point de vuc 

biblique. Lausanne, 1890. 
WlLCKEN, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben. 
WlLTZKE, De Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra. 
Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II. 

Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament. 

WEISSLEACH, F. II., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art. 

Wesseley, C, Di<: Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum. 

Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847; Vols. IV to XII, 

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The Egyptian Book of the Dead. 

Complete Translation, Commentary, and Notes. 
By SIR P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Knt. (President); 

CONTAINING ALSO 

& £>ems of -pates of t&c Ift'gncttcs of t&e different ©fjaptfrs. 



Ihe Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates from 

Baiawat. 

[Shalmaneser II, b.c. 859-825.] 



Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers. 

In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus the price for 
;ach part is now raised to jQi 10s. ; to Members of the Society (the original 
jrice) £1 is. 



Price 7s. 6d. Only a Limited Number of Copies will be Printed. 

THE PALESTINIAN SYRIAC VERSION OF THE HOLY 

SCRIPTURES. 

Four Recently Discovered Portions (together with verses from the 
'salms and the Gospel of St. Luke). Edited, in Photographic Facsimile, 
rom a Unique MS. in the British Museum, with a Transcription, Transla- 
ion, Introduction, Vocabulary, and Notes, by 

REV. G. MARGOLIOUTH, M.A., 

A ssistant in the Department of Oriental Printed Books and MSS. in the British 
Museum ; formerly Tyrwhitt Hebrew Scholar. 



Subscribers' names to be Addressed to the Secretary, 



Society of Biblical Archeology. 



COUNCIL, 1897. 



President. 
Sir P. le Page Renouf, Knt. 

Vice- Presidents . 

The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York. 

The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c, &c. 

The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney. 

The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury. 

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c. 

Arthur Cates. 

F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c. 

Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c. 

Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A. 

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 

Council. 

Rev. Ciiari.es James Ball, M.A. Rev. James Marshall, M.A 

Rev, Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D. Claude G. Montefiore. 
Thomas Christy, F.L.S. Walter L. Nash, F.S.A. 

Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S. Prof. E. Naville. 
Charles Harrison, F.S.A. 
Gray Hill. 

Prof. T. IIayter Lewis, F.S.A. 
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c. 



J. Pollard. 

Edward B. Tylor, LL. D., F. R.S., 

&c. 
E. Towry Whyte, M.A., F.S.A. 



Honorary Treasurer — BERNARD T. BOSANQUET. 

Secretary — W. Harry Ryi.ands, F.S.A. 

Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Rev. R. Gw'YNNE, B.A. 

Honorary Librarian — William Simi'.son, F.R.G.S. 



HARRISON AM) SON-, PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO 11EK MAJESTY, ST. MARTINS LANE. 



VOL. XIX. Part 2. 



PROCEEDINGS 



OF 

THE SOCIETY 

OF 

BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. 



&',£ 

VOL. XIX. TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION. 

Second Meeting, February 2nd, 1897. 

&#> 

CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Sir P. le Page Renouf {President). — The Book of the Dead. 

Chapters CXXIX, CXXX 65-67 

Prof. A. H. Sayce. — Assyriological Notes, No. II 68-76 

Miss M. Murray.— The Stela of Dua-er-neheh. {Plate) 77 

Prof. Dr. Hommel. — Assyriological Notes .. ... 78-90 

Prof. Dr. Eisenlohr.— The Rollin Papyri and their Baking 
Calculations. (Part I) 91-104 

PUBLISHED AT 

THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY, 

37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 

1897. 



[No. CXLIII.] 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY, 

37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 









TRANSACTIONS 
















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„ II, „ 


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o . 


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In progress 


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A few complete sets of the Transactions still remain for sale, which may he 
..btained on application to the Secretary, W. II. RYLANDS, F.S.A., 37, Great 
Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W C. 



PROCEEDINGS 

OK 

THE SOCIETY 

OF 

BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. 



TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION, 1897. 



Second Meeting, 2nd February, 1897. 
ALEX. PECKOVER, LED., Vice-President. 

IN THE CHAIR. 



-3£- 



The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author, G. H. Gwilliam, B.D. : — The Palestinian 
Version of the Holy Scriptures. Five more fragments recently- 
acquired by the Bodleian Library. Anecdota Oxoniensia. 
Semitic Series. Vol. I, Part V. 4to. Oxford. 1893. 

From the Author, Prof. Paul Haupt : — The Origin of the Penta- 
teuch. 8vo. New York. 1895. 

From the Author, Prof. Paul Haupt : — The Beginning of the 
Judaic Account of the Creation. {American Oriental Soc. 
Proc, April, 1896.) 

[No. cxliii.] 63 E 



Feu. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

From Prof. Paul Haupt : — The Oriental Seminary at the Johns 
Hopkins University, by the Rev. Joseph Brunneau, S.S. 
Translated from La Revue Biblique, July, 1895. 8vo. Balti- 
more. 1895. 

From E. Towry Whyte {Member of Council) :— Regni Davidici et 
Salomonoei, Descriptio Geographica et Historica, una cum 
delineatione Syria? et /Fgypti ***** juncta est huic operi 
consideratio Urbium Maximarum ***** auctore Johanne 
Matthia Hasio. Norembergas. Folio. 1739. 



The following Candidates were elected Members of the 
Society, having been nominated at the last Meeting, held 
on the 1 2th January, 1897 : — 

John N. Duncan, Johannesburg. 

Rev. James Hastings, M.A., The Manse, Kinneff, Bervie. 

Miss Martha Izod, The Hawthorns, Church Road, Edgbaston, 

Birmingham. 
W. Jacks, Crosslet, Dumbarton. 



A Paper was read by the Rev. C.J. Ball, M.A. : "The 
Prophecy of the Servant" (Isa. Hi, liii). 

Remarks were added by the Rev. Dr. Low}-. 
Mr. Jos. Offord read a Note on : 
Thanks were returned for these communications. 



(>4 



gr EB . 2 ] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



BOOK OF THE DEAD. 
By Sir P. le Page Renouf. 



CHAPTER CXXIX 

is a repetition of Chapter C. 

CHAPTER CXXX. 

A Book whereby the Soul is made to live for ever, on the day of 
entering into the Bark of Ra, and to pass the Sheniu of the Tuat. 
Made on the Birthday of Osiris. ( 1 ) 

Opened be the gates of Heaven ; opened be the gates of Earth ; 
•opened be the gates of the East ; opened be the gates of the West ; 
opened be the gates of the Southern and of the Northern sanctuaries. 

Opened be the gates and thrown wide the portals as Ra riseth 
up from the Mount of Glory ; opened to him be the doors of the 
Sektit boat, thrown open to him be the portals of the Maatit, as he 
scenteth Shu and setteth in motion Tefnut, and those follow who 
■are in the train of the Osiris JV, who followeth Ra and taketh 
possession of his arms of steel. (2) 

I am coffined in an ark like Horus, to whom his cradle (3) is 
brought : and secret is the place, hard by his own shrine, which the 
god openeth to whom he willeth. 

And so it cometh that I lift up Right to the Lord of Right, and 
that I make fast the cord which windeth about the shrine. 

The Osiris A^avoideth the raging storm : the Osiris JV is not to 
be kept away from Ra, not to be repulsed is he. 

Let not the Osiris JV advance into the Valley of Darkness : let 
not the Osiris A' enter into the dungeon of the captives : let him 

65 e 2 



Feb. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1S97. 

not leap into the grip of Fate, let him not fall among those who 
imprison souls or come forth among those who would drag him 
behind the slaughtering block of the Armed god. (4) 

Salutations to you, ye sejant gods. (5) 

The divine Sword (6) is concealed in the hands of Seb, at 
daybreak, for he delighteth in drawing to himself both old and 
young at his own season. 

And now behold Thoth in the secret of his mysteries. He 
maketh purifications and endless reckonings ; piercing the steel 
firmament and dissipating the storms around him. 

And so it cometh that the Osiris N hath reached every station 
of his. 

He hath fashioned his staff, and received the oblations of Ra, 
the swift of speed and beautiful in his rising and almighty through 
what he hath done. 

He putteth an end to his pain and suffering, and the Osiris N 
putteth an end to his own pain ; yea, he gladdeneth the counten- 
ance of Thoth by the worship of Ra and Osiris. 

The Osiris N entereth the Mount of Glory of Ra, who hath 
made his Bark and saileth prosperously, lightening up the face of 
Thoth, that he may listen to Ra and beat down the obstacles in his 
way, and put an end to his adversaries. 

Let not the Osiris N be shipwrecked on the great voyage by 
him whose face is in his own lap : (7) for the name of Ra is upon 
the Osiris, and his token of honour is on his mouth, which speaketh 
to him who listeneth to the words of the Osiris N. 

Glory to thee, O Ra, Lord of the Mount of Glory. Hail to 
thee, who purifiest the generations yet unborn and to whom this 
uixat quarter of heaven offereth homage. 

The steering keepeth clear from misadventure. 

Lo, here is Osiris who proclaimeth Right, because of the marvel 
in the West, for he hath put an end to the rage of Apepi, for he is 
himself the god in Lion form among the associate gods and pro- 
tecteth Ra against Apepi daily, that he may not approach him, 
and he keepeth watch upon him. Osiris seizeth the scrolls and 
receiveth the offerings. 

And Thoth supplieth the Osiris N with that which he shall 
perforin for him. It is granted that the Osiris shall carry Maat at 
-icad of the great Bark, and hold up Maat among the associate 
gods, and that Osiris gain endless triumphs. 

66 



Feu. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

The Sheniu marshal the Osiris jV, and they procure for the 
Osiris a voyage amid acclamations. 

The Satellites of Ra make their round, in the train of the 
exaltation of Maat, who followeth her Lord. And glory is given to 
the Inviolate one. 

The Osiris receiveth the Amsu-staff (8) wherewith he goeth 
round Heaven. 

The unborn generations of men give him glory, as to one who 
standeth without ever resting. Ra exalteth him by this, that he 
alloweth the Osiris to disperse the cloud and behold his glories. He 
maketh firm his rudders that the Bark may go round in Heaven and 
that he may make his appearance in Antu. Thoth is in. the centre 
of his eye, sejant in the great Bark of Chepera. The Osiris 
becometh one whose words come to pass. He it is who passeth 
over Heaven unto the West, and the Chabasu gods of Light 
rise up to him with acclamation. They receive the cable of Ra 
from his rowers, and Ra goeth on his round and seeth the Osiris 
who issueth his decrees ; (9) the Osiris JV, the Victorious ; in peace ! 
in peace! 

Not to be repelled is he ; not to be caught by the fire of thy fate. 
Let not the tempest of thy mouth come forth against him. 

Let not the Osiris JV advance upon the paths of misfortune : let 
him avoid disasters, let them not attain him. 

The Osiris JV enters into the Bark of Ra, he succeedeth to thy 
throne ; he receiveth thine insignia. 

The Osiris JV inaugurateth the paths of Ra and prayeth that he 
may drive off the Lock which cometh out of the flame against thy 
Bark out of the great Stream. 

But the Osiris JV knoweth it, and it attaineth not thy Bark. For 
the Osiris lY is within it ; the Osiris JV who maketh the divine 
offerings. 

Said over a Bark of Ra. coloured in pure green. (10) And thou 
shall place a picture of the deceased at the prow thereof And make a 
Sektit boat on the right side of it and an Alit boat on the left side 
of it. (ir) 



67 



Feb. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897 



ASSYRIOLOGICAL NOTES. No. 2. 

By Professor A. H. Sayce. 

In the summer of 1889 I copied in the Hermitage at St. Peters- 
burg a very interesting inscription on a seal-cylinder, which I 
afterwards sent to the Zeitscrijt fur Assyriologie. There, however,, 
it was so badly printed that it is necessary to publish it again, more 
especially as Prof. Jensen has recently misread it. Accordingly 
I here give a correct copy of the text. 



Seal in the Hermitage, St. Petershurc 
( A. \i. 3. No. 7). 

«=CS ~tH -ffM <l 



<5> 



This must be transcribed 



(1) Khu-un-ni-ni 

(2) pa-te-si Ki-mas ki 

(3) gir-nitakh (sakkanakku) Ma-ad (?)-qat-Ki 

(4) UD-Gl Gl 

(5) ? NITAKH /I Ml. 

68 



Feb. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

(I.) " Khunnini (or Khun-ili), (2) the high-priest of Kimas, 
(3) the viceroy of Madqat (?)." The last word, however, may also 
be read Mat Qit, " the land of Qit," the third character in it being 
No. 156 in the list of Amiaud and Mechineau. The second character, 
moreover, may be la. Of the last two lines I do not know the 
signification ; indeed I do not even know to what language they 
belong. Ud-gugu can hardly be a dialectic variant of the Sumerian 
adgigi, "counsellor." Nor do I know what is the value of the first 
character of 1. 5, as it is differently formed from that which corre- 
sponds with the Assyrian t^- 

Kimas is frequently mentioned in the early Babylonian contract- 
tablets of the age of the Third dynasty of Ur and of the First 
dynasty of Babylon which followed it. Thus one of them is 
dated mu ki-mas-ki si-su-khu ki-ti-ki ba-khul, " the year when 
Kimas, Sisukhu (?) and Kiti were overrun," and in another we read 

I BI DU LUGAL US KI-MAS-KI ME ... . KI-MAS-KI SA-DU-NI (?), 

" one (qa) of common beer of the king for the males* from Kimas." 
According to Dr. Scheil the name is sometimes preceded by the 
ideograph nim, from which he infers that the country was situated 
in Elam. This, however, does not necessarily follow, as nim merely 
signifies " Highlands," and it is possible that Prof. Hommel and 
myself may be right in making Ki-mas ''the land of Mas," or 
northern Arabia. Moreover, the texts published by M. Dangin in 
the Revue d'Assyriologie, iii, 4, show that he is correct in con- 
sidering that the character in question is not really nim, but an 
ideograph which he believes to signify "servant," since it is prefixed 
not only to the gentilic names Ansan, Simas, Kimas, and Markhasi 
(i.e., Mer'ash, in northern Syria), but also to the proper name 
Khunimas. It really is, however, "male" or "eunuch" (see note). 
At all events the Arabian desert to the west of Ur is called 
Ki-sarra "the land of the (Bedawin) hordes" in early Babylonian 
texts (see W.A.I., III, 60, 2, 83), and Ki-mas would be a parallel 
formation to this. Mas was the name given to the great desert of 
northern Arabia, the Mash, Massa, or Mesha of the Old Testament. 

* The character is written ►p-j^f and has been confounded with nim by 
Dr. Scheil (see above). It is really the Assyrian Ji^f, "male" or "eunuch. ' 
In the same text we read : " 5 qa of common beer of the king for the goddess 
Nin-sug-ga of Khu-un-K\ sa-du . . ," where "the land of Khun" may contain 
the same element as Khunnini. 

69 



Feb. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

The supposition that V *f- J ^' 7/ Mas should be read Madbar, 
and identified with the Hebrew "Qlft, "desert," is devoid ol 
probability. 

Kimas seems to have given a name to "copper" among the 
Sumerians, from which we may gather that copper was brought from 
it, as is expressly affirmed by Gudea. The name is usually written 
"^T ""^I^J HK L\P. Ka-mas, from which the Semites borrowed their 
Khnassu (W.A.I., II, 18, 54, IV, 4, 42). Kimassu is certainly not 
a compound of <///, "the bright," and mas&su, " to rub," as has been 
-ted by Prof. Delitzsch. 

If Kimas is northern Arabia, we might see in Madqat the land of 
Madga, near the river Urruda, from which Gudea derived a substance, 
conjectured by Amiaud to be "bitumen." Amiaud further believed 
that it was brought from the neighbourhood of Sodom and Gomorrah, 
and he told me that he saw in the Urruda the river Jordan. Thai 
the name of the river, the first syllable of which is written with 
the ideograph of "man," can really be read Ur-ruda is plain 
from an inscription published by Dr. Scheil (Recueil de Travaux, 
XVIII, 1. 2, ]). 71), where the ideograph in question interchanges 
with the sign for ur. 

It must not be forgotten, however, that in most of the early texts 
the sign la has the same form as the at in our inscription, and that 
consequently we might read the name Malaqat, and compare the 
Dur-Malgi of Khammurabi's tablets. 

(II.) In the Museum of Warwick there is a small broken half- 
column of black stone, the rounded portion of which is covered by 
a cuneiform inscription, while on the flat side is the figure of a king 
in relief, holding a bow in the left hand and two arrows in the right. 
The inscription consisted of two columns, of the first of which only 
a few characters remain. It is written in Babylonian characters of 
the 1 2th century B.C., which I here transcribe into ordinary Assyrian : 



70 



Feb* 2] 



3 
6 

7 
8 

9 

I o 

I I 
12 

13 
14 

15 
16 

■7 
18 

i>; 
20 



PROCEEDINGS. 

Column II. 



[1897. 



^ ^ BT Hf 0*1 *£| KStf H 



gn r hi <« ts hi h ? ^ ^ mi 

HfW ^R ^ 

I *g Hf tMSf hi £h n mi hi 
** «T ■s=TT I? ~Hf *T -:III R R ><!< 
:T 

■fcT S ~Mf -3d ^fflf ^IIII *T- ^ 
H V ^ T ^11 Hf Hf Bf- *£ l^vl 

. efl : r 3T ~ -et n rc -in- *&= 1 h «< pi 
■ • w 1 Hf <m v ^ tap y h jff *> a'" 

H>£I T -HHS £T *a= I ^I *=!«= MTTT* If I 

© I r -1 -n a -m ~nf ^ hi *£ r -1 -ni 

• • ( pi Mf(?) I? & © HfM HI ^ ^-~I-8 

• ■ If Hf- HSf J? KSS I<« *£ I HTC£ lp 

• • I *TTT H 5*T -III- ^1 R H< Mf ff o: i 
3 n ^ y V ^ ^ >^ <TTT 4~< 

eH -I? <& 
II<I -I! H< 1 



^imn 

h c:*r eg £HS !«• 

5$? -mi ^h gn 1- 



1. iklu xx se-kul sa AN-Marduk-nadin-akhe 
Afield of 20 gur of corn {land) which Mcrodach-nadin-aklic 

[sarru] 
[the king] 

2. ana Iddin-AN-Nin-ip abil 

to Iddin-Ninip the son 

3. sa D.P. AN-Sin-TUR-us-ba-sa nis ir-si ri-ya . . . 
of Sinfal-basa, the .... 

7i 



Feb 

4- 



2] 



SOCIETY OV BJBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. 



[1897. 



w-Marduk-nadin-akhe sarru 
of Merodach-nadin-akhe the king 

ik-nu-uk-ma ana khu-tal-la [sa] 

has sealed and for the heritage (?) [of] 

D.P. Iddin-AN-Nin-ip nis ir-si-[ri] 
Iddin-Ninip the . . . 

arad-su a-na yu-um tsa - a - [ri iddinu]* 
his servant for future days [has gran ted J 



9. i-na 
At 

10. D.P. 



11. I).l\ 



12. D.P 



ka-nak 

the sealing 

Er-ha-ilu-rabu 
Erba-ilu-rabu 

Ba-bi-la-a-u 
Babilau 



E-[Ul-mas]-surqi-iddin 

E- Ulmas-surqi-iddin 

i.v D.P su abil 

... su the son 

14. D.P. AN-Bilu-LIL-GI-NA-TUR-l 

Bel-yukin-pal 

15. [D.P. Ej-a-ku-dur-ri-ib-ni 

[Ea]-hudurri-i/>ni 

16. D.P. Nabu-nadin-akhe 

Nebo-nadin-akhe 

'7- lib-ba bit u-na-a-ti 

In the house of stores 



dup-pi [an-ni] 
of [this] tablet (were) 

abil D.P Nazir-kal-sa . . . 
the son of Nazir-kal-sa (?) 

abil D.P. AN-Sin-[lisir] 

the sm of Siti-[lisir] 

abil D.P. Ba-zi-[i]f 
the son ofBazi 

D.P. E-Saggil- . . 

of E-Saggil- . . 

abil D.P. AX-Bilu- . 
the son of Bel- . 

abil D.P. Arad-[Ea] 

the son of Arad-[Ea] 

abil D.P. Nam-[ri] 
the sou of Nam[ri] 

iz-za-az 

it is placed 



Oi possibly yuzakku, " has made free." 

I I Imas-surqi-iddin is also mentioned in a <\<jv<\ dated in Mcrodach-nadin- 
akhe's lOth year, and if, as it seems necessary to suppose, he is the E-Ulmas- 
surqi-iddin who founded the dynasty of Bit-Bazi, Merodach-nadin-akha must be 
e 10th king (,f the dynasty of [sin who died, after a reign of 13 years, 52 years 
In-fore the death of E-Ulmas-surqi-iddin. As the same officials appear in docu- 
ments of Merodach-nadin-akhS and Bel-nadin-pal, the last 5 kings of the dynasty 
(7) Nebuchadrezzar I., (8) Bel-nadin-pal, (9) Merodach- 
nadin- . . , (10) Merodach-nadin-al hi ■, (11) Nebo-nadin- 



Feb. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

18. al Kar-AN-Bil-matati arkhi Ari sanat xm kam 
{in) the city of Kar-Bel-matati, the month lyyar, the 13th year 

19. D.P. Marduk-nadin-akhe sarri E-[ki] 

of Merodach-nadin-akM king of Babylon. 

20. tak-dub sarri sa me-ri-e-ri-[su] 
The seal of of the king, whose {is) the figure. 

Mereti, "a bas-relief," (1. 20) is from eru, "to carve." But Dr. 
Peiser's reading sip reti is also possible. The character kar is written 
}><Tf (1. 18). The Bit unati (1. 17) seems to have been the record- 
office ; but public stores of all kinds were placed in it : we hear, for 
instance, of the satam bit unati or " superintendent of the public 
granary." Babilau (1 n) is an interesting form. I can throw no 
light on the name of the official in 11. 3, 6. 

The importance of the text lies in its mention of the 13th year 
of Merodach-nadin-akhe, the contemporary of Tiglath-pileser I of 
Assyria, and shows that he must have reigned at least that number 
of years. The latest date of his reign hitherto met with is his 10th 
year (W.A.I., III, 43, I, 28). 

(III.) The Museum of Warwick contains another Babylonian 
antiquity, the cylinder-seal of green stone, \\ inch in diameter, on 
which is the dedicatory inscription of Kilulla the throne-bearer, the 
son of Ur-babi, for the life of his liege lord Dungi of Ur. A copy of 
the text given to me by Dr. Haigh formed the subject of my article 
on "An Akkadian Seal" in the Journal of Philology, 1870. The 
cylinder was unfortunately broken in 1895. A god is represented 
upon it standing with a trident in the left hand, while the worshipper 
and the priest stand before him. In Winckler's copy of the inscrip- 
tion {Keilschriftiche Bibliothek, III, 1, p. 82) the character ka has 
been omitted in line 6 after Ur-Ki-ma, the reading being Ur-Ki-ma- 
ka-ku. 

(IV.) Certain early Babylonian contract-tablets of the age of the 
"Second" (more correctly Third) Dynast)- of Ur, which I have lately 
been copying, are doted in the reign of " Ri-iin-(Mn) A-nu-um the 
king." Rim-Anu must therefore be added to the rulers of Ur. It 
is probable that the name influenced the Semitic subjects of Eri-Aku 
in transforming his name into Rim-Sin. It is noticeable that one 
of the dates I have copied is that of "the 3rd day of S'van in the 
year of Rim-Anum (and) the land of Emntbalum " {ma-da E-mu-ut- 
ba-luni). 

73 



. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S97. 

(V.) In the Hermitage at St. Petersburg is a gem of Syrian 
workmanship on which is the figure of a god and the characters 
► ►T \z<J ,^, i.e., the god Salim-mu, the god of Peace. M. Cler- 
mont-< '.anneau has recently pointed out {Etudes d ' Arclteologie oriental^ 
in the Bibliotheq'ue de I 'Ecole des Nantes Etudes, CXI 1 1, Vol. II, 
pp. 36, 48) that the name of the same god under the form of 
Shalman is found on a stele discovered at Sidon, and under the 
form of Selamanes in the inscriptions of Shekh Barakat. north-west 
1 .1" Aleppo. 

(VI.) On another seal in the Hermitage (A VI, 3, 15) a god is 
represented standing, with a priest before him, and at the back of the 
priest are two smaller men placed one above the other. The fol- 
lowing two lines of inscription are attached : — 

->f EJ1 JB]}] *f- d] 1. an Ra-ta (?)-nu-um. 

*~**r *~ ^H rr ^ 2 - AN As-ra-tum. 

Asratum is the Canaanitish goddess Asherah, whose existence 
was demonstrated in the Tel el-Amarna tablets. Ratanum ought to 
be the Baal who was conjoined with her, but I cannot explain the 
name, unless it is to be connected with Rutennu, the Egyptian name 
of Syria. In this case, just as the Palestinian god who was identified 
with Rimmon was called Amurru, "the Amorite," by the Babylonians 
(Reisner, Mittheilungen aits den orientalischen Sammlungen, X, p. 139, 
1. 142), so the consort of Asherah might have been known to them 
as Ratanum, "the Rutennian." In the Berlin tablet published by 
Reisner, Amurru, which is given as the Assyrian equivalent of the 
Accadian Marine, " the lord of the mountain," is coupled with 
Asratum. which is given as the equivalent of the Sumerian Gubarra, 
" the mistress of the plain." For (hibarra, see my Hibbert Lectures 
on the Religion 0) the Ancient Babylonians, p. 211. 

(VII.) The land of Zabsali or Subsalla, in the mountains of the 
•• Amorites," of which I have spoken in my last Paper (No. I), may 
perhaps be identified with the Zuzim and Zamzummim of Scripture 
(den. xiv, 5 ; Dent, ii, 20), who were located in the land of Ham or 
Amnion. I have pointed out elsewhere that the double form of the 
two names implies a 1 unciform original, as a Babylonian Za/n or Zav 
might be transcribed in Hebrew either QT or ^, while Am could be 
written either en or C> y - A comparison of Zabsali with Samsalla, 

74 



Feb. 2 J PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

moreover, shows that the second consonant was v {w), and Sumerian 
/ could pass into a semi-vowel.* 

(VIII.) Tuktu, which I have left untranslated in my last Paper 
(No. VII), means "remains," "remnant," not "bones" as Prof. 
Jensen suggests. Thus in Smith's Assur-bani-fal "we have (p. 172, 
1. 17) terra tukte abi bani-ka, "bring back the remains of the father 
who begat thee," and the passage in the astronomical work must be 
rendered: "It is prophesied that after 30 years a remnant shall 
return, and the great gods shall be restored with them." The word 
accordingly corresponds with the Hebrew ""iNtl*, and the Assyrian 
expression is in close parallelism with such verses of the Old Testa- 
ment as Is. x, 21 and Jer. xxv, n, 12. 

(IX.) I withdraw my explanation of the form Amraphel in place 
of Khammurabi, in favour of one which has just been proposed by 
Dr. Lindl. He considers it to stand for Ammirabi i/u, " Khammu- 
rabi the god." We know that many of the early Semitic kings of 
Babylonia, including Khammurabi himself, were deified like the 
Pharaohs of Egypt, and though in the cuneiform texts the title is 
prefixed to the name, there is no reason why it should not have 
followed it in the usage of the subjects of the Babylonian sovereigns 
in the distant West. 

(X.) It is generally assumed that northern Babylonia received 
the name of Kar Duniyas, " the Wall of the god Duniyas," after the 
Kassite conquest of the country, since the name of the god (or 
deified king) seems to have a Kassite termination. It has even been 
asked whether it is not a Kassite form of the Sumerian Dungi, who 
was deified during his lifetime. In one of the tablets, however, 
relating to Kudur-Laghamar and Eri-Aku, which have been dis- 
covered by Mr. Pinches, Babylon (e-ki) is called "the city of Kar- 
Dunyas" (a I Kar-p^-Dun-ya-as, Sp. II, 987, Obv., 8), and if these 
texts are copied from contemporaneous documents, the name would 
go back to an older period than that of the Kassite domination. 
However this may be, the name must have been derived from a line 
of fortification which protected Babylonia from its enemies, and I 
would accordingly identify it with "the Median Wall" (to Mr/ciai 
ha\oi>nci'oi> re?xo<>) mentioned by Xenophon (Anab., II, 4. 12), which 
he says "is not far from Babylon." It may be "the wall (ctaT6i'x«ff/«o) 

As in iae,. " thou," for zale, viae for male, "I:"' see Hommel, ZeitscJvift 
/iir Keilschriftforschung, I, 2, p. 172. 

75 



Feb. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

of Semiramis" referred to by Eratosthenes (see Strab., II, 1, XI, 14), 
though the eastern extremity of the latter was near Opis, more than 
100 miles to the north. Ammianus Marcellinus (XXIV, 6) states 
that the western extremity was at Macepracta on the Euphrates. 
Ross (in 1836) believed that he had discovered the ruins of the 
eastern end of the wall, known to the Arabs as the Khalu or Sidd 
Ximriid, " the Wall " or " Embankment of Nimrod," 25 long- paces 
in thickness and about 40 feet in height, running to the south-west 
towards Siffeirah on the Euphrates {Journal Royal Geog. Soc, IX). 
But this again is about 100 miles north of Babylon. The "Median 
Wall " was probably the fortification built to defend the country 
from the Manda or barbarian hordes of the Kurdish ranges, and 
was perhaps identical with the Karu-Kassi or "Wall of the Kassi " 
(the inhabitants of the eastern mountains of Elam according to 
Sennacherib, W.A.I.. I. 37. 64, 81), of which Kastarit was king.* 
I may add that Kar in Assyrian is "a wall of fortification," and in a 
secondary sense "the wall of a quay," in contradistinction to Dur, 
which means " a fortress " or " fortification," often surrounded by a 
<alkh.11, "outwork" or ; ' exterior wall." 

* The "Wall of ihe Kassi," however, may have been intended to protect the 
rt-gion north <>f it from the Kassi. In this case Kastarit would have been king of 
the district in which Ekbatana was situated, and which was included by the 
Babylonians in the territory of the Umman Manda. 




f II «1 €\ %. * 4^ & 



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<=^ A 







Characters from theStela of DUA-ER-NEriEH. 



Feb. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

THE STELA OF DUA-ER-NEHEH. 

Miss M. Murray. 

This very interesting stela was found at Thebes by Professor 
Flinders Petrie, in the temple of Amenhotep II. It appears to have 
been thrown aside in an unfinished condition, owing to the stone 
being unsuitable ; and it is this unfinished condition which gives the 
stela its peculiar interest, as we have here an example of the method 
of preparing a tablet for the sculptor. The inscription was rapidly 
sketched in by the scribe in red ink ; and afterwards carefully re- 
drawn in black over the red, and accurately spaced. The main 
part of the inscription has not been re-drawn in black, but remains 
still in the original red ink, and it is to these hieroglyphs that I wish 
to draw attention. They present a fine example of the hieroglyphic, 
as apart from the hieratic, writing ; and as the stela dates from the 
early part of the XVIIIth dynasty — a time when the hieroglyphs 
were more brilliantly and artistically rendered than, perhaps, at any 
other period — it seems worth while to study, from so good an 
example, the method which the Egyptians themselves used for 
forming the hieroglyphic characters, and so to learn the correct way 
of writing the signs rapidly and accurately. I have therefore copied 
all the written signs (omitting those that have been re-drawn in 
black), carefully imitating the characteristic brushwork. I have not 
repeated any sign except where there is some difference in the two 
examples, as in the seated man and the hs vase. 

The Dua-er-neheh of the stela held the titles of erpa-ha and royal 
chancellor, and in Champollion's 'Notices" (I, 515-16 and 844) 
we find mention of a Dua-i-heh (* jk x Moj() who held the same 
titles and may possibly be the same man. That the two belonged 
to the same family is fairly certain from the similarity of the name, 
and from the fact that both had a brother, " the Uab Nebmes." As 
the two names are uncommon, it is evident that they would only 
occur together in one family, though perhaps in different generations. 
It is also possible that the tomb of Dua-i-heh, described by 
Champollion, may be the tomb for which this stela was originally 
intended before the workmen discovered the faulty condition of the 
stone. 

A description of the stela itself will appear in Professor Petrie's 
forthcoming book on his recent excavations at Thebes. 

77 



Feb. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 



ASSYRIOLOGICAI. NOTES. 
By Professor Dr. Fritz Hommel. 

§ 21. In his admirable "Handworterbuch," Prof. DEL1TZSCH 
thinks luMru, " dress," originated from htbasu by rhotacism. The 

same form ^^ gives us another instance for this kind of trans- 
mutation, viz.. nupdru, "mind," which is evidently a derivate of the 
well-known napistu, "soul"; nupasu became by the same manner 
nupdru % as lubasii became lubaru. The root of iiuparit is therefore 
not -|Q3, but ttJQU. 

§ 22. Prof. Delitzsch gives habdsu, napdsu, very rare nab'asu, 
" rothgefarbte Wolle" (red wool), p. 445 of his "Handworterbuch," 
and p. 426, napdsu, "to pick wool " (Wolle zerzupfen). 

P>oth of these words belong originally to the same root, tJUu » 

IT". (Aram. DSJj "to pick wool"), comp. the Arabic iuJu, "to 

pick wool," ijUu, "wool." The true form of the Babylonian 
substantive for "wool" is therefore not nabdsu, but napdSu. 

For the other synonym, sirpu, "dyed wool" (sardpu, "to dye, 
to colour"), may be compared the Arabic ( j.^ sir/, "red dye." 

and probably too sir/, "unmixed wine" (because it has a red 

colour). Perhaps also J^;\ as/ant, "yellow," is transposed from 
asrafu. 

Not seldom we have in Hebrew, Aramaic, and Arabic. b. 
where we find in Babylonian p, e.g., dispu, "honey," H'O"! 1*^?* 
.—.'-: gapdru, "to be strong," Hebr. "03- A new instance for 

78 



Kek. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

this I see in the Babylonian word pisjt, "white" (opp., salmu T 
•'black"), lit. "egg-coloured," from btsu, ^jo (bai'd), 7T£%, 
•■ eu r g " ; in the same manner, as the Babylonians made phj't ( c JljS) 
from pisu, or btsu, ^Jljj (comp. also Arab. Lds , "silver"?), the 
Arabs formed their adjective ^jo^ (abyad), " white," from 1>/ sjo 9 
<l e <rcr s." 

§ 24. The Sumerian word gilib, "god." 

In W.A.I., II, 48, 28a, we read twice the ideogram "Ht^ -fyyl 
(i.e., £-2*7, or perhaps e-dun, comp. tfy "j^j: *-/#»2 for e-dum, 
"Bel"?) with the gloss gi-li-bu, and the translation Hit, "god." In 
the list of gods, partially published in these Proceedings, June, 1887 
(Vol. IX, p. 377), we read : — 



had nut (^ 68, 34) 

digiru 

e-?ie, the same (in the 

dialect of Su) 
malahurn 0-jSft) 



Hit, "god" 

Hi/, hilibu 

nab, the same (in the 
language of Elam) 
the same (in the lan- 
guage of Mar, i.e., 
Phenicia). 



Now, it is clear that digiru comes in the same manner from the 
Sumerian dingir (Turkish tengri), "god" as hilibu from another 
Sumerian word gilib, " god." We have here beyond doubt the old 
Turkish t^d->- celeb, "lord, god " (comp. ce/ebi, "god-ful, elegant," 
in modern Arabic of Syria se/ebi, " beautiful "), which expression 
was originally in use with the Turks of Asia Minor and Armenia, as 
tengri with the Turks of Central Asia. So the word is probably of 
Alarodian origin ; indeed, we find in the Georgian languages the 
expressions ghmerth, ghmerthi, ghormoth* and gherbeth (Erckert, 
" die Sprachen des kaukasischen Stammes," p. 74) for " god " — 
gherbeth being only a derivation from an old word gherb (comp., too, 
Baskian cerub, cent, " heaven,") which, of course, is the same as 
Sumerian gilib and Old Turki celeb. If we were allowed to read the 

* Compare the element ippa in Lycian names ('Epfj.a-Sdin/j.ic, etc), Sachau. 
Z.A., VII. 95, and ' ' Apixa-cdtn^iQ, and perhaps Ov^pa-fxuvauic by the side of 
"Opfite, 'Of'/3a-Aa<Tj;rac, and Urballa'i (in Tabal). 

79 f 



Fee. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

above cited £yJ -Jfyf e-rib (comp. ^YTT suh in »C& *^TTT ""m-sub), 
we would have in Sumerian, too, an older «rtf (out of gerib) instead 
of the later gilib. 

In this connection it is of the greatest interest to find this old 
Alarodian word ghirib, ghilib, "god,"* in some proper names of the 
same region, viz., Armenia and its neighbourhood. I think on the 
well-known names — 

Karpa-runda, Garpa-ruda (1113, Z.A., VI, 432), a king 
of Gurgum. 

Girpa-ruda, a servant of the Khattinians in North-Western 

Syria. 
Ahlib-Sir {Ah-li-ib- ^IJdf, servant of the god Ramman or 

Tisup." Seal cylinder of the Berlin Museum, V.A.. 

518), Winckler, "Geschichte Israels," p. 135, note 2, 

and last but not least the Hethite names — 
Kherpa-sir or Khelpa-sir^ of the time of Ramesses II. 
Gerba-tusa\ (same time), comp. W. Max Muller, "Asien 

und Europa," p. 332, note 2. 

Finally, we see from the Aramaic transcription 1113 (for 
Garpa-ruda), that also Ghipa in the Mitannian names Tadu-ghipa, 
Gilu-ghipa (1400 B.C.), and Pu-hipa ("queen of the Cheta," 
W. Max Miller, p. 335) was originally Ghirpa (like 13 for 
garpd), these names containing the same element ghirpa, "god." 
Was 'Abd-ghipa of Jerusalem (1400 b.c.) generally read Abd-tob, 
too, a king of Alarodian (Hethitic) origin ? comp. the writing 
'Abd-t^-ba besides 'Abd- ^-ba, and Gen. 23, Ezech. xvi, 45. 

§ 25. We see in the preceding paragraph that the first element of 
Hethitic names like Herpa-sir, Ahlib-sar is the name of a god. So 
the meaning of such names is probably " Herpa (or god) is great, or 
mighty." The ne< essary < onclusion from this is that too the other 
ILthitic names ending in -sar or -sir must contain the name of a 
god in their first element. We have in the time of Rameses II, 
Maura-sir, father of Khcia-sir, both kings of the Hethites, and we 
meet in the inscription of Tiglatpileser I (c. noo, b.c), 2, 44, a 

* Quite another word is the Sumerian .^hi-li (perhaps to pronounciate 
ud), joy, pride, splendour. 
>r Gerbatu-sa? comp. gherbeth above. 

80 



Feb. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

certain Shadi-Teshup, son of Hattu- ^, i.e., Hattu-shar, king of 
Urartinas in the mountains of Panari (between Kilikia and Armenia) ; 
compare in the same inscription, 2, 25, Kili-Teshup, son of Katt- 
Teshup* king of the Kurdi {or Kurkhi) on the Upper Tigris. 

So, as the result of this investigation, we have two names of 
Alarodian, respecting Hethitic gods, viz., Maura and Hattu. For 
Maura compare Nonnus, "Dion.," 34, 1S8 (cited in " Zeitschrift 
der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellschaft," Vol. XXXI, p. 738), who 
speaks of a Cilician god Morrheus, and adds that Morrheus was 
only another name for Sandan. Since the Hethitic god Tarku is 
also found in the Etruscan name Tarquinius, we may find our 
Morrheus, or Maura, in the Roman (original Etruscan) Mavor-s, 
Mars. The final / in Mavors (gen. Mavortis) would be the same 
suffix as in Georgian ghmer-th, or gherbeth. 

The other god, Hattu, is most probably the well-known god ij-|J> 
in the Lydian names 2acu-aTTj/s (comp. above Sadi-Teshup), Mv- 

t''-~i]* (comp. Moa-'/eVj/s and Moa-<pepvr}<}, '07rpa-/ioas, Havafivtfs, etc.) 

and Wv-ai-tp (on the coins Valviattes, but originally Galvi-gate, 
comp. above Kalt-Teshup). The name of this god originally began 
with a weak guttural sound : so we find him in TlIHil^ (for 
T^'intTy, i-e., Ishtar, wife of 'Ate), in Greek transcription 
'A.Tap-^arrj and Aep-Kejw (for "ir^'lil^)- The centre of the worship 
of the god V\}7 was (at least in later times) in Northern Syria 
(Hierapolis); moreover we find him in Cyprus (comp. the proper 
noun njHH, *"•<?•, gad- 'Ate), Damascus, Palmyra and Askalon, to 
which places his adoration was brought by the Aramaeans of 
Northern Syria. The Egyptians of the so-called New Kingdom 
(XVIIIth dynasty) knew in Syria the gods Resheph, Ba'al, Astarte 
(lady of Kadesh), and J"I2^ (Ghannat, the goddess Ghanna of the 
Babylonians), but not yet W^ or Khate, except in the Hethitic 
nomen proprium Kheta-sir. Now it is clear that the oldest centre 
of the worship of this god was not Syria, but the east of Asia Minor ; 
from there it came to Western Asia Minor (the Lydian god Attes, or 
Attis, the Tammuz-Adonis of the mythology of Asia Minor) and to 
Northern Syria (Hierapolis-Bambyke, in the neighbourhood of 
Karchemis). The origin of the name is, of course, not Semitic 
but Hethitic. Of great interest is also the form of the name in the 
Armenian literature (comp. Paul de Lagarde, '' Mittheilungen," 

For the god Teshup see thefe " Notes," § 19 (Proceedings, January, 1896). 

8l F 2 



I [ . 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOG V. [1S97. 

Vol. I. p. 78) If ut, Hatay, Atay (viz., in Thara-hat, Thar-hat, 
Thar-hatay = Atar-gatis). At the same time, the history of this 
principal god of the Hethites is too the history of the spreading out 
of the Hethitic civilization, marked by the spots where Hethitic 
inscriptions have been found (I.ydia, Kappadocia, Northern Cilicia, 
Northern Syria). 

Whether the name of the land Khattu (.nil) is originally 
identical with the name of the god Khattu (Tl}7) or not, is still an 
open question (comp. perhaps Assur, but the land Assur is originally 
A-usar, the god Assur originally An-Sur »->-| ^, "heavenly hosts," 
a surname of the god Anu). I think it most probable that Khattu 
(land) originated from Khantu ; we would so have Khattu besides 
K/ia/11, like Martu (orig. Amartuj besides Amurr'i, Subartu besides 
Subar) , Elamtu besides Elanif/. Khani, Amurri, Subar}, Elamu, 
are so-called nisba-forms from Khana (see next paragraph), Amur, 
Subar, Elam (dS" 1 !^', whilst Khattu, Subartu, etc., are the feminine 
forms of the same. 

§ 26. W.A.I. I, 28, 17 and following lines we read that Tiglath- 
pilesar I. hunted in several mountains of Assyria, of Khana (written: 
mat Kha-a-na), of the districts (sid-di) of the land of the Luium'i, 
and in the mountains of the Nai'ri-lands. 

In a geographical list, W.A.I. II, 50, 69 (and add.), we read 
mat Khi-a-ua(-ki), with the explanation mat Kha-ni-i (comp. some 
lines before, mat Mar-tu-ki, explained by mat A-mur-ri-i), i.e. land 
Khyana, or land of the Khanites. In the following line we read 
mat Lu-lu-bi\-ki — mat L u-Iu-bi-i\. 

In the inscription of the Kassite king Agu-kak-rimi (about 
1600 B.C.), W.A.I. V, 33, the statue of Bel is brought back from the 
" far land of the Khanites " (a-na mati ruk-ti a-na mat Kha-ni-i 
lu-u as-pur i.e. to .... I sent my ambassadors). 

Moreover, in an inscription found in Abu Habba (Sippar) which 
belongs most probably to the time of Assur- nasir-pal, a king of 
Khana itself (written mdt Kka-na), Tukulti-Mir, son of //u-ba'ish, 
boasts to have given to the sun-god of Sippar some present.* 

Now, this land Kliana or Khyana is the same district as Akhanu 
in the inscription of Assurnazirpal (3, 71). He went out from 
Karchemis to KLhazaz (the modern 'Azaz, N.W. of Haleb), marching 

* Comp. Tit. G. Pinches, in T.S.B.A., VIII, p. 352. 
82 



Feb. 2] 



PROCEEDINGS. 



[1S97. 



between the mountains Munzigani and Khamurga, and leaving the 
land Akhanu* at his left side. Therefore Akhanu, or at least the 
western part of it, must have been situated in the northern neigh- 
bourhood of Haleb, where the well-known town Arpad (to-day 
Tell Erfad) was placed in olden times, see the following sketch : — 




Sketch of the March of Assur-nazir-pal from Karchemis 
to Khazaz. 

Concerning this Akhanu and his town Arpad, I will draw the 
attention to a most remarkable fact, namely, that (as Hugo Winckler 
in his " Altorientalische Forschungen," p. 8, has proved) the residence 
of the king Mati-el of Yakhan (dynasty of Bit-Agusi), in the time of 
Tigl. Ill, has been the same Arpad. I conclude, therefore, that 
Akhanu is not only the fuller form of Khana (comp. Amadai and 
Madai, Agusi and Gusi, Azalla and Zal/a, Atun and 2un), but that 
also the names Akhanu and Yakhan are identical.! 

In close connection with this land Yakhdnu, Akhanu or Khana 
(Khyana) seems to stand the land Khani-galbat or Khani-rabbat. 



* Mat A-kha-a-na ; Lay. 44, 28: mat A-kha-nu. 

t Even in my " Geschiclite Babylonicas und Assyriens," p. 581, I added to 
Yakkan in brackets: "or Yakhanu ? comp. Khana?" For bit Agiisi = mat 
Ya-kha-na-i, see Schrader, " Keilinschr. 11. Geschichts f. , p. 207, note." 

S3 



Feb. 2] 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. 



;i8 9 7- 



In the Tell Amarna letters we find the forms Kha-ni- ^f*- -bat, 
Kha-ni-^\*- -ba-tu-ii, K/ia-ni-t:^ -bat-i, but also the forms Klia-na- 
^y«- -bat and Kha-na- dTJJ -bat. In the Assyrian inscriptions 
(Tigl. I. Assurn., Asarh.) it is always written Kha-ni-^*- -bat. 
Now it is clear that this name consists of two elements, Khani or 
Khana (comp. above Kha-ni-i and Kha-a-nd) and ^|>- -bat, Yar. 
t^-bat. g{-~bat is gal-bat and ^|J^ -/v?/ kal-bat ; but t^ -A»/ is 
also rab-bat (comp. tffy ra^ besides /•//>, W.A.I. V, 45, Col. V, 
line 55, tu-kar-rab), and since ^|»- is the ideogram for rabu, "great," 
as well as for rabbu, "great," the reading mat k/ia/ii rab-bat, "the 
great land of the Khani," is the most probable one. Rab-bat is an 
adj. fem., belonging to niatu, " land," whilst galbat would be a quite 







"■■ 


A v 


Amidl 


^p^t^ 


Nter&ti £u£^ 


oV 


T^X 


Karcjiaws 1 


\ 


"*\ 


ol lHarrjn\ 




\j Pator) 3 


V. 


J N.niVeh 


*«^s 


s \° 


a Y 3 ) 


**** 1 


Siniara. > 


£u/>''/^ 


^v 




oKamath 







A Kheta-o ("the great Kheta ") of the Egypt inscriptions = Khani- 
rabbat (" the great Khani ") of the Assyrian and Mitanni inscriptions. 
B The land Mitanni of the Tell Amarna period (also called some- 
times Khaui-rabbat). 

C The land Yakhanu (Akhanu, Khana) of the Babylonian and 
Assyrian inscriptions. 

unknown word. The best proof for the correctness of the reading 
Khani-rabbat, is the fact that in the same region in which we must 
seek Khani- £f- -bat, or at least a part of it, namely in the neigh- 
bourhood of Malatiye (see below), the Egyptians knew a land 
Kheta-*o, i.e., "the great (land) of the Kheta;" comp. my " Ges- 
hte Babyloniens und Assyriens," p. 348 and 418 (printed, 1887), 
W. Max Muller, "Asien und Europa" (1893), p. 320. This is at 
the same time a new argument for the identification of K/ieta, 
Khattu (in the Bible □"Fl- and D^n) and Khana. 

84 



Feb. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Now let us look, what geographical position has this term Kh3.n1- 
rabbat in the inscriptions ? In the Tell el-Amarna letters, it is a 
mere synonym of Mitanni ; the official name of the kingdom of 
Dushratta was, it is true, Mitanni, but a more general signification 
of his land must have been Khani-rabbat Compare the letter, 
B. 22, 17, "Khani-rabbat and Misru (Egypt) are in peace," where 
we necessarily expect Mitanni and Egypt. In a similar manner 
stands Khani-rabbat for Mitanni in the letter B. 9, 22, and in the 
letter B. 24, 49. We learn from this that Mitanni at least must 
have been a part of Khani-rabbat. 

In the inscription of Shalmaneser I {c. 1300 B.C.), W.A.I. Ill, 
pi. 4, No. 1, a town ShiMin-y0.-ra (Shundura, Shungura?) of the 
land Kha-ni- £|>- [••••] is mentioned as situated in the neighbour- 
hood of Kashiari (Masius) and Kirkhu ; it is clear that only Khani- 
rabbat is meant. 

Tiglatpileser I (r. 1100 B.c.) speaks of Milidia (Malatiya of to- 
day) as a town of the land Khani-rabbat ("Tigl., ; ' 5, 33 ff.), whilst 
Assurnacirpal receives the tribute of the " kings of Khani-rabbat " 
("Assurn.," 2, 21) during his sojourn in the towns of the land 
Kirkhi (north-east of Amid or Diarbekr). In the Vannic inscrip- 
tions of king Argistis and his son Sarduri, the king Khilaruada * of 
Milidia is set in close connection with Khati, or Khatina ; f comp. 
above, Milidia and Khani-rabbat. 

The last mention of Khani-rabbat is found in the cylinder C of 
Esarhaddon; when his father Sennacherib was murdered, Esarhaddon 
stood with his army in Khani-rabbat, where he defeated the army of 
his hostile brothers. Berosos names an otherwise unknown town 
Bizana in Western Armenia as the locality of the battle (comp. E. 
Schrader, Keilschr. it. Geschichtsforschung, p. 531); the Bible 
(2 Kings, xix, 37) gives Ararat (Assyr, Urartu) as the land into 
which the brothers fled. 

Finally I should like to remark that (though Khattu and Khani- 
rabbat seem originally to be mere synonyms) in the Tell Amarna 
letters, as well as in the Assyrian inscriptions, Khattu is a geo- 
graphical term different from Khani-rabbat. In the historical texts 



* Or Kliite-rnada (comp. Girpz-rt/da ?). Another king of Milidia, mentioned 
in the Vannic inscriptions, is Sulia-itali = Sulumal of Milid (Jexsex, Rectieil, 
XVIII, 114). 

t Compare Khattin (jfc -ti-in) of the Assyrian inscriptions. 

35 



Feb. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S97. 

of the Assyrian kings, Khattu is the kingdom of Karchemis, some 
time in a wider sense the whole Northern Syria, whilst Khani- 
rabbat seems to be only the most northern part of the latter, includ- 
ing, especially, Milidia. In the Tell el-Amarna letters, Khani- 
rabbat is the same as Mitanni (between Euphrates and Belikhos), 
whilst Khattu, at least politically, is different from it. So Dushratta 
relates (1. 9, 30 ff.) that the king of the land Khattu {mat Kha-at-ti) 
had invaded his (Dushratta's) territory, and that the god of Mitan 
delivered him into his hand, so that the Hethite king was slain by 
Dushratta.* In 1. 5, 49 the king of Alashia (probably Cyprus) 
warns the Pharaoh not to make any friendship with the king of 
Khattu and with the king of Shankhar (Singara in Eastern Meso- 
potamia). According to a letter of Rabi-Mur (otherwise called 
Rib- »^^y ^Jff) of Gebal, the king of Khattu and the king of 
Narima (D*Hn3 DIN) are the helpers of a certain Itakama of 
Kinza, and Kidsha (Kadesh) in his attack against the cities of Amki 

{mat Am-ki = r^s. or Khattin on the banks of the Orontes ?) In 
another letter of the same prince of Gebal (B. 79), "the king of 
Khatu, and the king of Mittan, and the king of Nahrima" are said 
to have captured all the lands of Kutiti (=R~ode, W. Max Muller, 
" Asien u. Kuropa," p. 242, f. ?). Besides Amki, we see (according 
to many of these letters) especially Nukhassi and Amurru (in 
Ccelesyria), threatened by the invasions of the " king of the land 
Khattu." It is strange that no mention is made in the whole 
Tell el-Amarna correspondence of Karchemis; perhaps Karchemis 
belonged to Mitanni, or it was the residence of the king of Naharim, 
whilst the land of the king of Khatti can only be sought for more 
northwards (Mar'ash and Eastern Cappadocia, and perhaps including 
too a part of Cilicia). 

To sum up the foregoing results (which are for the most part in 
direct contradiction to Prof. Jensen's assertions in Zeitschr. d. 
Morgenl. Gcsel/sch., Vol. XLVIII), we have found — 

a. Khattu (Kheta, V^> Attes), the name of a principal god of 
Asia Minor from Lydia to the borders of Armenia and even to 
Northern Syria ( Karchemis) ; 

/'. The element Khani, Khana in Khani-rabbat, is the same as 
Khyana, Khana, Khani, which we find south-westwards from 

• Perhaps this victory gave the occasion for calling henceforth Mitan 
Khani-rabbat ? 

86 



Feb. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

Karchemis — Khani-rabbat and Khana both being countries which 
were reckoned by the Assyrian inscriptions to the great land Khattu 
and both countries in which were found hieroglyphic (non-Semitic) 
inscriptions of the so-called Hethitic style ; 

c. Khani-rabbat ("great land of Khani ''), in its geographical 
position almost the same as Kheta-o ("great land of the Kheta ") of 
the Egyptian inscriptions, so that Khana and Khattu are at least 
identical terms, if not the same words (Khattu from Khantu), though 
the latter identification can only be suggestive at present. Perhaps 
the existence of the great Hethitic god Ghati gave occasion to the 
Semites of Western Asia to transform Khana, the oldest name of the 
Hethitic people, to Khanti, resp. Khatti ; this must have happened 
even before 2000 B.C., to which time belongs the first mention 
of the Hethites, viz., in the astronomical work of the Babylonians 
(W.A.I. Ill, 60, 37 and 38, where we find both expressions, shar mat 
Kha-a-ti and shar mat Kha-at-ti). 



% 27. Tuktu, "blood, vengeance "= ■^^l r f" (tekto) "blood (of the 
woman) " : 

In the astronomical work of the Babylonians, W.A.I. Ill, 61, 
2i, we read: Umman-Manda itba-ma mata ibll, parakki ilani rabfiti 
innasihu, Bel ana mat Elamti alaka ikbi, ina XXX sandti tuk-tu-u 
ut-tar-ru, ilani rabuti itti-sunu iturru, i.e., "The Umman-Manda 
shall come and possess the land, the sanctuaries of the great gods 
will be destroyed, the god Bel gives order to go to Elam (= his 
statue will be brought by the enemies to Elam), after thirty years 
they (the Babylonians) shall take vengeance, the great gods will 
return with them (back to Babylonia)." Hugo Winckler, in his 
" Altoriental. Forschungen," III (Leipsic, 1895), cites this passage, 
p. 239, note, translating the words tuktu uttarru, by " wird man 
die tuktu zuriickbringen " ; but, p. 252, reviewing Jensen's trans- 
lation of Assurb. Cyl. B, 7, iS, tirra tuk-ti-i abi bani-ka, "bring 
back the bones of the father, thy begetter," he proposes a much 
better translation, viz., "Spolia oder Rache (vengeance)." That turru 
tukti can only be translated "take vengeance" (syn. turru gimilli), 
will be clear by the following, but the original meaning of tuktu is, 
as the Ethiopic tekto proved, "blood" (comp. D"T U7pl, "to take 
vengeance," lit., require the blood). 

In the new discovered stele of Nabonid, published by Pater 

87 



Feb. 2] - iCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

Scheie, Recueil, X\'III, we read, Col. 2, 1 1 ff., utir gimillu Tin-tir- 
(kt), i-ri-ba tuk-ti-i shar Umman-manda. Pater Scheil translates : 
"il vengea Babylone, Iriba-tukte. roi des Umman-manda"; but 
the only right translation is that of M. L. Messerschmidt, "Die 
Inschrift der Stele Nabu-na 'id's," Berlin, 1896, p. 25, "er rachte 
Babylon, mehrte die Vergeltung, der Konig der Umman-manda," etc. 
Even before the book of Messerschmidt was published, I wrote 
to several friends {e.g. to Dr. Leh.manx, in Berlin), as my own 
translation, " er rachte Babylon und nahm Vergeltung" {iriba, being 
so-called imperf. of continuation ending in a, and to be derived from 
a root ;2"H comp. 1 Sam. 25, 39) "'der Konig der Umman-manda," 
thinking that Xabonid proposed to make an allusion (by a kind of 
pun) to Arbakes, whom Ktesias says to be the conqueror of Nineveh ; 
at the same time I quoted the passage of a hymn published by- 
Mr. Strong in the "Journal Asiatic," 1893, May — June, line 17: 
ana shakan gimilli u turri tukti (written tur-ri tuk-ti-i), " um zu 
rachen und Vergeltung zu nehmen." But perhaps Mr. Messer- 
schmidt is more right with his translation of iriba, "he increased 
(vengeance)," than I with my etymology {iriba, from 2,^ ), for he 
cites, p. 43, a parallel name, given to him by Dr. Peiser, viz., 
Nabu-tukti-irba (Nerigl., 55, 3, 4, Evetts, p. 68); because this 
name has the same verb as the well-known name Sin-akhi-irha, and 
similar names ending in -irba, also iriba tukti in the Nabonid-stele 
must come from iribu (D,"!" 1 ) "to increase," and not from ^"H 
to quarrel. 

I am now in a position to give another proper name, in which 
fume tukti means clearly, "to take vengeance," viz. Nabti-tuk-ti-i- 
tir-ri, Strassmaier, Cyrus, No. 292, line 16 (reprinted and transl. 
in Schrader's " Keilinschr. Bibl.," IV, pp. 280 and 281), comp. the 
name of the eponym Assur-gi-mil-tir-ri (K. 382, in K. 364 written 
ideographic ally Assur jEy £■]], Bezold, "Catalogue," Vol. I, p. 92). 



.^ 28. In a contract of the time of Sennacherib, W.A.I. III, 48, 
No. 3, a woman is called A/not-*--} Su-u-la {i.e. handmaid of the 
god or goddess Sir la). Now this otherwise unknown deity Su'la 

can be nothing other than the Arabic demon l\*^, or i\x^, or 

jJjuj (si'/d) of the old Arabic poetry, comp., e.g., Hamdsa, 25, 3 

88 



Feb. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

(p. 1A), plur. 'U^H (as-sa'ali), or Labid, 41, 12, 20 (women like 
evil ghosts), or Imrulkais, 53, 2, or Mufaddal'iyat, 23, 38. 

§ 29. In the Collection de Clercq, Vol. II, PL X, No. 6, the 
following inscription is published (in archaic characters, about 
4000 B.C.), which I translate as follows : — 

Hf ^CL< III Eh " To the god En-ki-gal 

IH Hf ^ tl Ur-Num-ma 



:^ !^y king of Te 

t *"XL ^^T son of En-a-ab-she-rak (?) 

K=T(?)**N?) 



-*TTT 



^f king of Te 



S=YYTT ^ *-^f has built this temple." 

The characters are quite clear ; the two (or three ?) last characters 
in line 4 are f^Fh ^^-4^>, which is perhaps >tyy ^ £- instead 
of t-t] ^ •£- ; ^>— K> seems to be a compound of 7777 .f/fo, and 
of fe rrt/£, or .r/W. For the country or town "^Sy (without ki, 
written only <j\ ), compare irsit Te-ki ska ki-rib Din-tir-ki* in a 

contract tablet, published by Pater Strassmaier (Liverpool Collec- 
tion, No. 136 and 149), and perhaps ^4 £<3« y <X^f (W.A.I. II, 
53, 5«), a name, as it seems, of Erech (^ ^ ^\ ^<3<<"T)- Of 
great interest are the names of the gods En-ki-gal (of course Nergal 
as consort of Nin-ki-gal) and »->-y ^t ^y, in which I see an older 
form of Anum (comp. Nun, Num, fuller forms Anun, Anum). 

M. Menant gives the following transliteration and translation 
{Collection de Clercq, II, p. 92) : — 

An En-ki-gal Au grand dieu de la terre 

Ur-An- Hum-ma (?) Avil-Ea (?) 

Lugal Te Roi de Te (?) 

Tur En-it- in fils de Bel-it- in 

Lugal Te Roi de Te 

E-mu-na-ni a construit ce Temple, 

and cites for Te the passage of the contract tablet. 

* Comp. Tana in the annals of Nabonid (written te-jna-a)? 



Feb. 2] 



SOCIETY OF IlIULICAL ARCILEOLOGY 



[1897. 



i; 30. In Sc. 289 we read i-mi, -^*ff , ci-hu and ti-tu (written 
di-du). Titu is "loam, clay, vessel of clay (syn. kadutu, comp. 

j^;), tablet of clay." Now it seems to me very probable, that aJut is 

here not "border, coast" (so Delitzsch, "Handworterbuch," p. 40), 
or "brother," but Heb. HN (Jer. xxxvi, 22), "brasier," specially for 
incense. May we too compare Egypt, hau-t, haui, h-t (Copt. 
OjHcnfe, ttJHOin), /3wyuo's, "altar," and South Arab. (Minaean) 
^. hb&. , " censer " (Eth. (h(&, " fire ") ? 




Feb. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1X97 



THE ROLLIN PAPYRI AND THEIR BAKING 
CALCULATIONS. 

By Prof. Dr. August Eisenlohr. 
(Sent in I November, 1895.) 

A long while ago (1868) Mr. W. Pleyte at Leiden published the 
Rollin Papyri of the then Imperial, now National Library at Paris, 
and gave a kind of commentary and translation of them. Soon 
afterwards the skilful explanator of hieratic papyri, Mr. F. Chabas. 
made in the Aegyptische Zeitschrift (1869, p 85 ft", "Sur quelques 
donnees des Papyrus Rollin ") some very useful and ingenious 
remarks on Pleyte's work. My inclination for all kinds of ancient 
reckoning induced me also to study the same work. But forth- 
with I recognized that many faults must have glided in Pleyte's 
edition of the papyri. So, stopping on my way home from London 
a few days at Paris in 1872, I went to the library, and through the 
kindness of Dr. Derenbourg I was able to make a close comparison 
of Pleyte's edition with the original text. I found in the former so 
many differences that I consider it more as a free copy than a 
facsimile of the original. 

For a long time it was my intention to publish and comment on in 
connection with the Rhind mathematical papyrus other documents 
of numerical character, the Edfu field donations, the Papyrus 
Louvre 3226 and the Rollin papyri. But every time I was pre- 
paring something of that kind I was forestalled by another. So in 
the Edfu field donations (on which I read a paper at the Leyden 
Oriental Congress) by Professor H. Brugsch in his Thesaurus, III, 
p. 531 ff., and by the same author with regard to the Louvre 
papyrus in Thesaurus, V, 1079. Still the explanation of the last 
document is in such a manner insufficient that I shall give a better 

9i 



FEB. 2] SOCIETY OK BIBLICAL AKCH.-EOLOGY. [1897. 

•one at another occasion. To prevent a work of considerable time 
being again over-run by another, 1 I give now what I have to correct 
in Pleyte's edition of the Rollin Papyri, and what I brought out in 
the explanation of their texts. 

Of the twenty plates of Pleyte's edition I neglect wholly PL XV 
(No. 1S87) and PI. XVI (No. 18S8), because they contain quite 
different subjects; PI. XV is a praise to the honour of Amenophis II, 
and PI. XVI belongs to the judiciary document of Turin, which was 
published and commented upon by Deveria in the Journal Asiatu/iic, 
1867, treating of a conspiracy in the hareem of Ramses (hek an) III. 
Deveria gives PI. V of his work a mended text of Rollin XVI and a 
translation of it (p. 130). 

As the numbers of the Rollin Papyri have been, since Pleyte's 
publication, several times changed in the National Library at Paris, 
I give the references of the corresponding numbers. 
No. 1882 (Pleyte, I-IV) was afterwards 210-213. 
No. 1883 (not in Pleyte's tables) was afterwards 209. 
No. 1884 (Pleyte, V-IX) was afterwards 208 (Y-VI) and 207 

(VII-IX). 
No. 18S5 (Pleyte, X-XIV) was afterwards 204 (X-XII) and 206 

(XIII, XIV). 
No. 1886 (not in Pleyte's tables) was afterwards 203. 
No. 1887 (Pleyte, XV) was afterwards 202. 
No. 188S (Pleyte, XVI) probably 201. 
No. 1889 (Pleyte, XVII-XX) was afterwards 205. 

To our investigation are now remaining from Pleyte's work: 
1. PI. V-IX (18S4, V, VI = 208; VII-IX =207). 2. PL 

1 At the time this article was put in type, appeared Dr. Spiegelberg's 
Rechnungen aits der Zcit Seti I (K. Trubner. Strassburg, 1896). Bd. I, 
Text und Commentar ; Bd. II, 43 Tafeln, 70 Mark. This work treats of not 
only the baking calculations of the Rollin Papyri, but also the other reckonings 
of timber, etc. As I differ from the author's views in some essential points, 
I let my text stand as it was, and only briefly point out the different views of 
Dr. Spiegelberg. For the correction of the text, the five heliotype plates by 
Mr. Chassinat, in the work alluded to, are of importance. Unfortunately, they 
contain only Pleyte's Pll. X— XIV, and XVII— XX, but not PH. V— IX.' All 
the other plates are only copies after the original, like Pleyte's and my own 
revised ones. As Dr. Spiegelberg's edition is much more reliable than Pleyte's, 
I refer to it instead of giving my own corrections, there being difficulties in' 
printing them. 

92 



Feb. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

X-XIV (1SS5, X, XI, XII = 204; XIII, XIV = 206). 3. PI. 
XVII-XX (1889 = 205). 

To these are to be added the fragmentary two plates, of which 
Pleyte has not given the facsimile, 1883 = 209, and 18S6 = 203. 

These different plates form, corresponding to their contents, 
different sections. PI. V-IX and X-XIV form the first part, to 
which belong also 1883 (209). PI. XVII-XIX, which are pasted on 

19 iS 

the same card-board in the following order , form a second 



part, and 1886 = 203, very defective, does not treat of baking 
but of the providing the poultry-yard 1 -^^> r .c~l of Seti I 

/"A/- AAA ^" ' 

with geese, and is dated in the third year of the same monarch. 

The two sections of the first part, Pleyte, PI. V-IX and PI. X- 
XIV, treat of the baking of different kinds of loaves, but by the 
same bakers ; the first section the baking of only small loaves, called 
heksta, weighing 3^-4 ten (= 316-362 grammes), the second the 
baking of larger loaves (akun) weighing about 13^ ten (= i£ kilg.). 
PI. XII, and the reception of both kind of loaves in the magazine 

of the royal court A^ ¥\ \> f\ \\ rr^i ""** AT) « rz - ^ , 

pa ut'a e?i chennu, PI. XIII, 10. To this is added on PI. XI a 
reckoning of sacks of corn into loaves. Belonging to this date, the 
first section (PI. V-IX) is dated only in the month of Thoth (5-23) of 
probably the second year, while PI. XII, XIII and X, beginning with 
the second Thoth, runs through this and the following months to the 
fourth month (Choiak) of the first season. PI. XIV in the same section 
is dated year 2, Me s or i it, of the King Seti I. Papyrus 18S3 is also 
dated of the second year, and contained the names of the same bakers 
as the above. The king's household was not staying at the same 
place, but moving about, so we find it (XII, 1, XIV, 3) in Memphis, 
Pap. 209, as also Pleyte, Rollin, PI. I, 1, in Heliopolis, PL XIII, 1, 

I Aail^' 2 ^ rt.^-^ c ' travelling on the 



1 Dr. Spiegelberg's Text, p. 34, corrected this after Gr. Harris 28, 2 ; 4S, 1, 
o<r><r dg? Tunnir 

v3^ /v*aa/v\ ts==lJ 

2 Spiegelberg reads *f^^ <? X\ rut, "district." Though the first signs 
look mjre like J±L , I adopt Spiegelberg's reading [vide ib. Text, p. 44). 

93 



Feb. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1S97. 

western road: PL XVII, 3, <§> | fl "| A f\ o| <==> ^\ 

travelling in the northern district. 

After these general remarks we now enter on the translation 
and explanation of the text. 



Translation and Commentary of Plates V — IX. 

Plate V. 

1. T/iot/i 5. 1 Account of the receipt of the bakers in flour 

2. for making kelesta bread, each of four ten to three ten 2 and a 

half 

The missing year is doubtless the second year of Seti I, which 
we see commemorated XII, 1 ; XVII, 1. The word hannu 

fvj Ff^ i s met m tri e same phrase, XII, 2. It signifies 

different labours, especially in the field, but in connection with the 
following it must signify "receipt." The determinative of hannu 

is to be corrected according to XII, 2. The word | D @ , 

000 

"flour," has been known for a long time. XII follows er kefennu 

for baking. 

On kelesta, compare Herodot., II, 77, Kii\\ijrr~t>i (cf. Chabas, 

Zeitschr., 1869, p. 67) made of oXvpa, spelt or durra {sorghum 

vulgare), which gives a tasteful bread (Kremer, Aegypten, I, 

p. 202 ; cf. Wiedemann, in Herodot., XXXVI, p. 1 58). :1 The 

word ^ t^ji seems to be mended in ^ 9 . If 



it has not here (also PI. XII 1) the unknown signification of 
two (in German bis), we must think on the verb kerb, " finish " 

is written in red ink in the original. Pll. V and VI — Spiegelberg, 

Tafel VIII. 

- Spiegelberg reads always 3 □ dehen, hut without sufficient reason. 

The word ten, written in the same manner, is met so often in the Great Harris 
Papyrus, and in the acts of silver robbery (Pap. Harris, No. 1, 498-9; Pap. 
Vasalli, and others of the British Museum). 

a Indian corn, Zca mats, is now much planted in Egypt (Kremer, I, 190-194), 
but probably later introduced from Persia or even America. 

94 



Feb. 2] 



PROCEEDINGS, 



[1897. 



(I!r., IF., p. 15 18), so that the unbaked bread weighs 4, the baked 
only 2,2 ten > ?- e -> 3 J 6 grammes. Before the number we must restore 



□ . The word £3 \ f\ (here & 



\\ 



£ f] ) is met with in the 



didactical piece on the misery of different trades in comparison to 
that of the scribe or learned man. From the two copies in which 
this piece is found (t Sallier, VII, 7; 2 Anastasi, VIII, 3) we 
borrow the following phrase, which demonstrates dramatically the 
work and the calamity of a baker : 



d « A j\ <T" "3> AAAAAA ^ 

The baker is staying baking 



(V. 



ar. a 



^ 



i_D 



) 



bread. 



» J\ 
he throws 



loaves 



\ 



His head is 



zV/A? the flame t 

V. k M,^" \VI??1 

zVz ///£ interior (of) the furnace 



UT3 



OCX 



11 



(Copt. ■Gpip.y^T'wz.x). His son holds him on his legs. 



ra 



ra 



n © ft^ _ZT ' ^ jm ^^» _B^* o I 

suddenly he glides out of the hand of his son* He falls 

7W0 the flame, 
cf. Maspero, " Du Genre Epistolaire," p. 36. 



V, 3. 77/a/ rfoy. 

4. Baker. 

5. 77^ fo^r Tat' a receives on flour tefi sacks 3,* gives kelesta 602, 

rest 28, ra/ 0/ tjj han 1%\\. 

1 Spiegdherg, 3^ 
95 



!:,,.„ 2 ] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1897. 

6. The baker Chara receives flour z\, gives kelesta 290, 1 rest 25, 

rest of "^ 77- 

7. 77/t- £a&r. 8. Sum. 

There are mentioned in this and the following plates only four 
bakers, whose names are: — A n£\ \ V\ @ Mf TWa, verbally 

1 AAAAAA r i 



Head, T K\.Sa 1 1 »f " Ci%«rfl, the Syrian, ^_^ Q -*^- (] 
Nennuamon (who regards Anion), and T" n ^ y yf Anchtu. 

The signs :> are known as the hieratic form of ^r~^ 2 sop, 

besides / — \, the Egyptian palm; here they seem to represent the 

word '/$&_ * P to receive. ^\ is often found in the Mathematical 
Papyrus as acorn measure; but here is ^J without doubt CI KC, 
molere, hierogl. I ^^ geschrieben. Br., Wort., 1325, Cont. 1140. 

We can approximately determine the weight and the volume of the tep 
saik measure from the accounts given here and on PI. XII. Line 15 of 
PI. V we may take as an average production of kelesta bread. Here 
2^ tep sacks give 430 kelesta and a rest of 20 4- 59 = 79. Adding 
these last to 430, we have 509 kelesta from 2^ tep sacks. Now the 
kelesta are, as is told V, 2 from 3^ to 4 ten, and as we have here 
from the same amount of flour a higher number of breads than 
PI. VI, we must presume that these breads had the lower weight, i.e., 
3^ ten. Now 509 x 3-5 = 1 781, 5 ten, divided by 2, 5 gives 712 4 
ten for each tep sack. PL XII, 3 are made from 3^ tep sacks 168 
great loaves (akeku), which have a weight of 13^ ten with a loss of 
1 ', ten for baking, i.e., 15 X 168 = 2520, divided by 3^ gives 720 ten 
for each tep sack. The ten reckoned to 90*46 grammes (Eisenlohr, 
Math. Papyrus, p. 206) gives for the tep sack the weight of 65 kilogr. 
and a litre flour weighing about 442 grammes (cf. Goriz, Betriebslehre), 
the volume of a tep sack is a little more than 147 litres or 4 English 
bushels. 

1 Spiegelberg omits this number, p. 16. 

a Spiegelberg transcribes these names in the faulty Berlin fashion, Dod 
and IJ<>r. 

" ' Emitted by Spiegelberg, Tafel VI II. 

4 Considering the loss of weight in baking, ,' T , (see Fl. XII), the weight of 
the tep sack would rise to 790 ten. 

96 






Feu. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897, 

In PI. V and VI we find after each amount of kelesta noted two 
rests, of which the second is called ^ »«m xYr ut'a en han (this alone 
PI. VII and VIII). If this \jj is an abbreviation of the 8 "vj 

AS /VWWA 

(above 1. 1), and means the bread still in work or to be 



I I I 

baked, or anything other, I ignore. As they are added together V, 

13, 18 (after my correction of line iS, end, we read there ' . , ? 
loaves), we must add both, as we did above, to the number of 
kelesta, for determining the weight of a tep sack of flour. Probably 
the first rest are loaves already baked, the other (^v^i^j} still 
unbaked bread, dough. 

9. Thoth, day 6. 

10. The baker T' at' a, flour tep sacks 2^, gives kelesta 440, rest 10, 

rest of dough 53 \} 

11. The baker Chara, „ sacks 2^, gives kelesta 450, rest 10, 

rest of han 67. 

12. The baker Nenmt anion, „ sacks 2\, gives kelesta 430, 

rest 20, rest of han 37-^ \. 

13. Sum. Flour . ... tep sacks 7-^, gives kelesta 13 10, rest 40, rest 

of han 158, together 198. 

The real sum of the kelesta is not 13 10, but 1320, 2 as Pleyte 
changed the number of the original 10. 

14. Thoth, dav 7. 

15. The baker Tat' a, flour tep sacks 2\, gives kelesta 430, rest 20, 

rest of han 59. 

16. The baker Chara „ tep sacks 2\, gives kelesta 430, rest 20 

rest of han 57-^ \. 

17. The baker Nennuamon, „ tep sacks 2\, gives kelesta 432, 

rest 20, rest of han 55^5-. 

18. Sum. Flour . . . . tep sacks 7^, gives kelesta 1290, rest 60, 

rest of han 172^. 

The account is in perfect accord. together rest loaves 232^. 

1 Spiegelberg, Tafel VIII, omits this line. 

2 Spiegelbevg reads 13 10. 

97 



Feb. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S97. 

Plate VI. 

1. Tholh, day 9. 

2. The baker T'at'a ground flour tep sacks z\, gives kelesta 365, 

rest 17^, rest of han S^\-\. 

3. The baker Chara ground flour tep sacks 2^, gives kelesta 365, 

rest 17^, rest of han 28. 

4. The baker Nennuamon ground flour tep sacks 2^, gives kelesta 

360, ' rest 17^, rest of han 36^. 

5. The baker Anchtu ground flour tep sacks 2^, gives keleSta 365/ 

rest 17 A, rest of han 2z\\. 

6. Sum ground flour tep sacks 8-|, gives keles'ta 1360, rest 70, 

/o7 <•/ /m// 139, together 209^ 5 §. 

4. In the original only 360, which Pleyte corrected to 365, so 
he brings out a o in the sums of breads. But this sum is i36o a in 
the original instead of 1460. which was corrected by Pleyte. We 
find here line 5 for the first time, the fourth baker called Anchtu. 
Pleyte gives him only 1 sack, while the original has 2^, the sum 8£ 
confirms Pleyte's correction. The fractions \, \, £, are only in the 

total sum. As above I join H <*&* CIKC, molere, to flour, not to 

the tep sacks. 

7. Thoth, day io. 
8-11. Dee st. 

12. Brought by these keleSfa . . . , ioq, rest r8 rest of han, 785 4 

together rest. 
1 3- Different loss ' by the hands of the bakers and confectioners 100. 



1 Spiegelberg reads 365. 

3 Spiegelberg, PI. VIII, Col. 2. 
s Spiegelberg has 1460. 

4 Spiegelberg, 788, 

Instead of Pleyte's CD < > |\ ' ^ | Spiegelberg has Tafel 

VIIW, I <2 JL ^ ~\ . . . -f " > ?\f*^ , which he translates : 

" Einzelangabe der Restbetrage der Backer nach ihrem Namen." For the 

r X n^ u 

meaning ol I he gives good proofs, p. 52, of his own commentary. 






98 






Feb. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

L. 1 2, the numbers in this line are very uncertain, so I could not 
see Pleyte's 20 in 128. 

The 5 in 7S5 is indistinct, and all the rest of the line obscure. 

The last word in 1. 13 is probably (I ^ +J <2. corresponding to 
Jr cf. Louvre Pap. 3226, Brugsch, Worth. Contin., S. 277. 

es © ^ a 

It appears as an apposition to chennu, bakers ; line 13 closes with 100. 

14. The baker T'at'a ground flour tep sacks 12.\? mill sacks if, 

gives keltSta 2177, rest 85^, rest of han 264- \ \ i, together 
in breads (hotep') 33" §-. 

Pleyte made 65 h instead of the 85^ of the original, because 
only so he got the sum of 330 with the 264 ^ \. The last number 
of $y and the fractions before £ are not to be seen more. 

15. The baker Chara ground flour tep sacks iof, mill sacks if, 

gives kelesta 2075/ rest 137-5, rest of han 2515, together 
breads 389 \. 

16. The baker Nennuamon ground flour tep sacks 10^, mill 

sacks if, gives kelesta 2135, rest 82^, rest of han 228, 
together breads 3 1 o^. 



To choose between &, and vie miss here the heliotype. But as the 

following list contains not only the rest, but also a summary of all that has been 

delivered J\, and what remained in the foregoing days vx\ I would 

, 1 i— ^-i 

be more adequate than (j> & . How far it is founded to make a 

e»S I I I 

difference between I 0<g l^^^and'T'OS ' <qbs o (Spiegelberg, 

I ooo|a I ° o ° I A 

Com. p. 39 "feingemahlenesand grobgemahlenes Noitkorn"), that would well ex- 
plain the special record of these last, I cannot decide. But I think that Spiegelberg's 
translation of nut' with " Noitkorn," instead of the well-known meaning "flour,"' 
is surely erroneous, as his replacing the sack P^ by -TV, which is found in the 
Pap. Louvre 3226, and in the Med. Abu Kalendar. 1 here the -f\ is a measure 
of 4 bescha (Pap. Louvre) and of 16 bescha^iS and 72 liter, only the ^ part 
of our flour measure. 

1 Spiegelberg reads ioi |. 

2 Spiegelberg omits the 4 and adds " im Ganzen," rest (not bread), 350 \ \. 

3 Spiegelberg reads 3075, in no accordance with the number of sacks. 

99 



Feb. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S97. 

17. The baker Anchtu ground flour tep sacks 2^, mill sacks if, 

gives kelesta 715, rest 17^, rest of ha n 46^, together breads 
64. 

L. 17, the original has tep sacks 2\ instead of Pleyte's if. For 
the first it seems doubtful if the sacks in the second place, which I 
called mill sacks, are to be added to the tep sacks. This becomes 
evident in 1. 17, because from 2\ tep sacks could not be got 
715 4- 64 = 779 kelesta, but only from 2^ + if = 4^, which render 
by 720 ten for the tep sacks 3060 ten, 779 kelesta by 4 ten = 3116 
ten. Doubtless we have here the addition of the product and rests 
of the former days. 1 

18. Thoth day 11. 

19. The baker Tat' a ground flour tep sacks if, gives kelesta 350. 

20. The baker Chara ground flour tep sack* if, gives kelesta 350, 

rest of han 17^. 

21. The baker Nennuamon ground flour tep sacks if, gives 

kelesta 350, rest of han 8|, £. 

22. The baker Anchtu ground flour tep sacks if, gives kelesta 

350, rest of han 17A 
23 Sum ground flour tep sacks 7, gives kelesta 1400, rest of 
han 43 i \. 



1 As we find no mill sacks among them, these 4 x if sacks must have heen 
inserted, PI. VI, 11. 7—1 1 , as is also proved by the determinative "o" in 
Spiegelberg, PI. VIII, Col. 2, 1. 4. If we had the amount of kelesta brought 
out from these mill sacks, we could control the sums, 11. 14-17, with the entries 
of the five foregoing accounts. Now we can only add the numbers of the four 
preserved for each of the bakers, and see if the difference to the sum is in 
accordance to the otherwhere known result of if mill sacks. So, adding the tep 
sacks given to T'at'a we have 3^ + 2^ + 2^ + 2^= ioi \, proving Spiegelberg's 
reading of log. Of the keleSta 602 + 430 + 430 + 365 = 1827 are wanting to the 
sum of 2177, just 350, which are (PI. V, II. 19-22) the result of if mill sacks. 
From both rests the first has 28+10+20+171 = 75^, wanting 10 to the noted 
sum of 85$. The sum of the other rests (han) for T'at'a is 78^ £ + 53i + 
59 + 52J 1 = 243} '> wanting 2\\ to the noted sum of 264^ \ \. In the same 
manner this summation and compensation could be made for the three other 
bakers, and so restored the wanting numbers in PI. VI, 11. 711. 

IOO 



Feb. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Plate VII. 1 

1. Thoth day 12. 

2. The baker T'afa ground flour tep sacks if, gives kelesta 35c, 

rest of //an j 5. 2 

3. The baker Chara ground flour tep sacks if, gives kelesia 350, 

rest of han 15. 3 

4. The baker Nennuamon grou fid flour tep sacks if, gives kelesta 

350, rest of han 15. 

5. The baker Anchtu ground flour tep sacks if. gives kelesta 350, 

rest of han 15. 4 

6. vSV/w. 

The quantities of the sacks and of the bread are the same as on 
the former date, only the rest is equally 15. The sum of 7 tep sacks 
and 1400 kelesta, rest of han 60 is no more to be seen. 

7. Thoth 14. 

8. The baker T at 'a ground flour mill sacks* if, gives kelesta 350, 

rest of han 20. 

9. The baker Chara ,, if, gives kelesta 350 

rest of han 6. 

10. The baker Nennuamon ,, sacks if, gives kelesta 

350, rest of han 10. 

11. The baker Anchtu „ if, gives kelesta 350, 

rest of han 6. 

12. Sum ground flour mill sacks 7, gives kelesta 1400, m/ 0/ 

han 42. 

Quantities as before, the hieratic sign of the mill (sack) has the 
o O form. The adding of the numbers quite properly. 

1 Spiegelberg, Tafel VII. As I have no corrections of PI. VII — IX, I shall 
carefully attend to Spiegelberg's variants from Pleyte's text. 

5 Spiegelberg has the number 15 crossed and added to the number 350, as 
we shall find in PL XII, 8, 9, 12. 

3 Spiegelberg, 25!. 

* After Spiegelberg the numbers of I. 5 are not preserved. 

Spiegelberg : "grob gemahlenes Noitkorn." 

101 



Feb. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S97. 

13. Thoth 15. 

14. Thoth 16. 

j 5. The baker T at' a ground flour tep sacks if, gives ke/eSta 360, 

rest loaves (J).* 
16. The hiker Chara ground flour tep sacks if, gives ke/esta 

[3>55 rest 3o(?). 
1 7. 77/£ &z&r Nennu anion ground flour tep sacks if, gives ke/esta 

280. 

1 8. 77z£ baker Ancktu ground flour tep sacks if, gives ke/esta 280. 

19. Sum ground flour tep sacks 7, gives ke/esta 1275, 2 we// 0/4 ten 

coming out of the oven? 

The end of 1. 15 seems to be hotepu, but the number is 

not clear. The sum 1. 19: 1275 asks a hundred more in the 
numbers, perhaps 355, 1. 16, instead of 255. J^<^ j^l| is 
coming forth from the oven. The rest is to be completed from 
PI. VIII 2. where (j~^j t'a may signify "received." 4 

Plate VIII. 

1 . Thoth day 17. 

2. The baker T'at'a ground flour sacks 2 J, 6 gives ke/esta 120, 

each of 4 ten in coming from the oven, received ke/esta 3 1 2 6 
each of 3^ ten in coming from the overt* 

3. The baker Chara ground flour sacks jf, gives ke/esta 130, each 

of__ received ^205 together? 

4. The baker JVennuamoh ground flour sacks if, gives ke/es/a 200 

each of 50 rest 50. 

1 Spiegelberg, Tafel VIII, has, after 360, ° □ llll f\ <i5> [\ , 

each of 4 ten, when baked. 
: Spiegelberg, 1 1 75. 

3 Spiegelberg repeats here : rest 30 the number crossed here and I. 16. 



4 Spiegelberg transcribes his indistinct sign I nem, "ferner." 

* Spiegelberg, 2 J. 
» Spiegelberg, 313. 

" This whole line is in Spiegelberg given to Nennuamon, but 2$ for ij, 
z\o instead of 205, and Chara omitted ; in the following lines no numbers. 

102 



Feb. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

5. The baker Anchtu ground flour sacks if, gives . . . 

6. Sum sacks. 

7. Thoth. 

8. The baker T'at'a ground flour sacks 2, gives kelesta 350, rest 

of han 30!. 1 

9. The baker Chara ground flour sacks \\,~ gives kelesta 300. 

10. The baker Nennuamon ground flour sacks i^, 3 gives kelesta 

350, rest of han 30. 4 

11. The baker Anchtu ground flour sacks \\, gives kelesta 300. 

12. Sum ground flour sacks 6§-, gives kelesta 1300, rest of han 

6oi. 

The sum agrees well with the single numbers. 

13. Thoth day 21. 

14. The baker T'at'a ground flour mill sacks 2, gives kelesta 400. 

15. The baker Chara „ sacks if. 5 gives kelesta 

250. 

16. The baker Nennuamon „ sacks if, gives kelesta 

250. 6 

17. The baker Anchtu „ sacks i, 7 gives kelesta 300 

18. Sum ground flour sacks , gives kelesta 1200. 

In 1. 18 the lost sum of sacks ought to be 6^. 8 

Plate IX. 9 

1. Thoth day 22. 

2. The baker T'at'a ground flour mill sacks 2, gives kelesta 

3. The baker Chara ,, sacks if, gives kelesta 

4. The baker Nennuamon ,, sacks if, gives kelesta 

5. The baker Anchtu ,, sacks if, gives kelesta 10 

6. .Szi/fti 

1 The whole line not preserved, Spiegelberg, Tafel VIII, Col. 2. 

2 The number not in Spiegelberg. 3 Spiegelberg, if. 
* Spiegelberg, 20. 5 Spiegelberg, 1^. 
6 Spiegelberg, 350. 7 Spiegelberg, i\. 

8 Spiegelberg exhibits 6£ sacks, and 1300 not 1200 kelesta. 

9 Spiegelberg, Tafel VIII, Col. 3. 

lu This line is wanting in Spiegelberg. 

I03 H 



Feu. 2] 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. 



[1897. 



7- 
8. 

9- 

10. 

1 r. 
12. 

1 3- 

14. 

15. 

16. 

17- 



Thoth day 23. 1 

The baker T'at'a ground flour mill sacks 2, gives kelesta 



The baker Char a 
The baker Nennuamon 
The baker Anchtu 
Sum ground flour sacks 
Thoth day 2} 
The baker T'at'a 
Tfie baker Chara 
The baker Nennuamon 
The baker Anchtu 
1 8. Sum ground flour sacks 



sacks if, 2 gives kelesta 
sacks if, 3 gives kelesta 
sacks if, gives kelesta* 
gives kelesta 

sacks 2, 6 gives kelesta 
sacks 2, gives kelesta 

sacks 2, gives kelesta 
sacks 2, gives kelesta 
kelesta 



PI. IX is only partly preserved. The end of each line with the 
number of kelestas is wanting, and also the rest of han, if this was 
given. 



1 Spiegelberg, day 25. 

3 Spiegelberg, ii. 

6 No day in Spiegelberg. 



5 Spiegelberg, i\. 

* This line not in Spiegelberg. 

6 Spiegelberg has no number of sa 



(To be continued.) 



The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 37, 
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, 2nd 
March, 1897, at 8 p.m., when the following Paper will be 
read : — 

The late Dr. Grant-Bey : "The Climate of Egypt in Geological, 
Prehistoric, and Ancient Historic Times." 



104 



Feb. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE 
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY. 



Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting them to the 

Society. 

Alker, E., Die Chronologie der Biicher der Konige und Paralipomenon inn 
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder. 

Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac. 

Contes de l'Egypte Chretienne. 

■ La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere. 

Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu. 

A., AND L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes 

et Assyriennes. 

Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts. 

Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und 
die Gotter der Heiden. 

Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest. 

Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850. 

Br0GSCH-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols. 
I— III (Brugsch). 

Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies par 

H. Brugsch et J. Dumichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen 
of vols. 3 and 4.) 

Budinger, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum 
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis. 

Burckhardt, Eastern Travels. 

Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen. 

Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873. 

Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867. 

■ 2nd series, 1869. 



Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886. 

Tempel- Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio. 



Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers. 

Erman, Papyrus Westcar. 

Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 18S0. 

Gayet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre. 

Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877. 

Vingt-quatre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de. 

Grant-Bey, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerted 

on the Religions that came in contact with it. 
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze. 
Hommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1S92. 



Feb. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

Tastrow, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian "Dibbarra" Epic. 

JENSEN, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier. 

Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's, Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson 

dercr Beriicksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen. 
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde. 
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative 

Semitic Philology. 
KREBS, F., De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio. 
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum 

Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtigung der Re- 

sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie. 
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. 
Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2 me partie. "Osiris." 

Legrain, G., Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre. 
Lehman N, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173. 

47 plates. 
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 1880. 
Marqchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia. 
Muller, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien. 
Noordtzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out 

dekkingen. 
Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du YVadi Brissa. 
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy. 
Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a Pepoque des Pyramides. 

Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur la chronologie des Lagides. 

Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage. 

Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee. 

Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi. 

Schouw, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris. 

Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache. 

Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptishe Gotterglaube. 

\irey, P., Quelques Observations sur l'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d'un 

Monument Egyptien. 
Yi5SER, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaelogie. Utrecht, 1891. 
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue 

biblique. Lausanne, 1890. 
Wilcken, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben. 
WlLTZKE, Der Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra. 
Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amama. Vols. I and II. 

Textbuch-Reilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament. 

Wi.hsi.each, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art. 

Wessf.i.ey, C, Die Pariscr Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum. 

Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847; Vols. IV to XII, 

1850 to 1858, inclusive; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 1878 
Zimmf.rn*, II., Die Assyriologie als Hiilfswissenschaft fiir das Studium des Alten 

Testaments. 



OCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS. 



18 Parts. Price 5s. each. The Fourth Part having been issued, the Price is 
now Raised to £$ for the 8 Parts. Parts cannot be sold separately. 

The Egyptian Book of the Dead. 

Complete Translation, Commentary, and Notes. 
By SIR P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Knt. {President); 

CONTAINING ALSO 

a Scries of plates of tfjc Ftgnettts of tfje fcriffcrnu (JDijapttrs. 



[)e Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates from 

Balawat. 

[Shalmaneser II, b.c. 859-825.] 



Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers. 

In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus the price for 
ai part is now raised to £1 10s. ; to Members of the Society (the original 
Be) ^1 is. 



Price 7s. 6d. Only a Limited Number of Copies will be Printed. 

1 PALESTINIAN SYRIAC VERSION OF THE HOLY 
[ SCRIPTURES. 

?our Recently Discovered Portions (together with verses from the 
'sms and the Gospel of St. Luke). Edited, in Photographic Facsimile 
rc^ a Unique MS. in the British Museum, with a Transcription, Transla- 
■0, Introduction, Vocabulary, and Notes, by 

REV. G. MARGOLIOUTH, M.A., 

Assistant in the Department of Oriental Printed Books and MSS. in the British 
Museum ; formerly Tyrwhitt Hebrew Scholar. 



Subscribers' names to be Addressed to the Secretary. 



Society of Biblical Archeology. 



COUNCIL, 1897. 



President. 
Sir P. le Page Renouf, Knt. 

Vice-Presidents . 

The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York. 

The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c, &c. 

The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney. 

The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury. 

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c. 

Arthur Cates. 

F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c. 

Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c. 

Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A. 

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 

Council. 

Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A. Rev. James Marshall, M.A. 

Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D. I Claude G. Montefiore. 
Thomas Christy, F.L.S. Walter L. Nash, F.S.A. 

Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F. R.S. Prof. E. Naville. 
Charles Harrison, F.S.A. 
Gray Hill. 

Prof. T. Hayter Lewis, F.S.A 
Key. Albert Luwv, LL.D., &c. 



J. Pollard. 

Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., F. R.S., 
&c. 

E. Towrv Wjiyte, M.A., F.SA, 



Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet. 

Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 

Honorary Secretary for Poreign Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A. 

Honorary Librarian— -William Simpson. F.R.G.S. 






HARRISON AND SON?, PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY, ST. MARTIN'S LAN*. 



VOL. XIX. Part 3. 



PROCEEDINGS 



THE SOCIETY 



BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. 



VOL. XIX. TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION. 

Third*. Meeting, March 2nd, 1 897. 
CONTENTS. 

PAGE 
. Sir P. le Page Renouf (President).— The Book of the Dead. 

Chapters CXXX to C XXX 1 1 107-112 

Rev. H. G. Tomkins. — Khiana or Khana 113, 114 

Prof. Dr. Eisenlohr. — The Rollin Papyri and their Baking 

Calculations (continued) 115-120 

Sir P. le Page Renouf. — The Lay of the Threshers 121, 122 

Dr. Gaster. — Two Unknown Hebrew Versions of the Tobit 
Legend. (Text.) 

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obtained on application to the Secretary, W. II. Rylands, F.S.A., 37, Creat 
Rus:sell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 



PROCEEDINGS 



OF 



THE SOCIETY 



OF 



BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. 



TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION, 1897. 



Third Meeting, 2nd March, 1897. 
Rkv. JAMES MARSHALL, M.A., Member of Council, 

IN THE CHAIR. 



The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From David J. Waugh : — Koptos, by W. M. Flinders Petrie, 
D.C.L., LL.D., with a chapter by D. G. Hogarth, MA. 4to. 
London. 1896. 

From David J. Waugh : — Two Hieroglyphic Papyri from Tanis. 
4to. London. 18S9. 

Extra Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund. 
[No. cxliv.] 105 1 



Mar. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1897. 

From the Author, Prof. E. Lefebure : — La mention des Hebreux 
par les Egyptiens, s'accorde-t-elle avec la date de l'Exode? 
4to. 

Extrait des Mela?iges Charles de ffarlez. 

The following Candidates were nominated for election at 
the next Meeting, to be held on the 6th April, 1897 : — 

Miss Jane Alice Weightman, Fern Lea, Seaforth, Liverpool, and 
Mrs. Peirson, The Haven, Saltwood, Hythe, Kent. 



A Paper by the late Dr. Grant-Bey was read : The 
Climate of Egypt in Geological, Prehistoric, and Ancient 
Historic Times. 

Remarks were added by Rev. Dr. Lowy, Mr. E. Towry 
Whyte, M.A., F.S.A., Rev. James Marshall, and Mr. J. 
Pollard. 




106 



tf AR . 2 ] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



BOOK OF THE DEAD. 
By Sir P. le Page Renouf. 



CHAPTER CXXX. 

Notes. 

1. This title is given to the Chapter in the later recensions, and 
learly resembles that given in the Berlin papyrus of Nechtu-amen 
of the XlXth dynasty). That given in another papyrus of the older 
>eriod is quite different, — " Chapter whereby the Chu is fortified." 
nstead of the Sheniu of the Tuat, Ba (the papyrus of Nechtuamen) 

ias the Sheniu of Fire -*• U M fp^ <rv7 ' IA> a rea ding sug- 

;ested by the -*• (JO^. \j\ the circuit of fire, which occurs 

a the title of another chapter. The Sheniu of this chapter are 
ving personages who attend upon the Osiris and greet him with 
beir acclamations. The word is often translated 'princes,' 'officers, 
iut it signifies those ivho are in the circle of a king or god, hence 
ministrants,' 'courtiers,' as in the rubric of Chapter CXXV. 

The words made on the Birth-day of Osiris are only found in the 
iter texts, but the old papyrus Lc, which has another title, has the 

•ords H 1^ VwT JJ. The important word ^ "v\ ' which is 

ere carelessly omitted is supplied by the rubric. For the Birth-day 
f Osiris, was the first of the five supplementary days, added to the 
ear of 360 days. On this day the chapter was to be recited and 
fie usual oblations offered (see Note 11). So we must understand 

o , 'which is to be made or done.' 



2. Arms of steel, 1 [1 



^^7 I 
I . 
= 1 

107 j 2 



Mar. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1897. 

3. Cradle or Nest, S; the 'Nest of Reeds' S #> so 
often represented in pictures of the later periods. 

4. The Armed god, A J) ,&//«, called fl A ° ^^ A & 

(Unas 282) and I A <=^^ V\ \ ^/« dbu, 'armed with horns/ that 

is, rays of light. In pictures he is represented as a hawk armed with 
how and arrows, and there is one picture in which he is in the form 
of Bes, destroyer of the Menti. 

5. Sejant gods JgV n tf _J| 1. I am compelled for want of a 

better word to use the heraldic term which most nearly expresses the 
posture of gods sitting on the ground with their knees raised up 
against their breasts. The posture is a very common one in 
Egyptian pictures. The second Sallier Papyrus represents an 

unfortunate artisan as sitting, J^Nf I" j| (1 ^j\ 3^ <z> 

1 ^ "with his two knees at the pit of his stomach." The 



/V\f\A/\Ts 



i 



\ is the limb between the knee and the pelvis. 

6. This divine Sword — « — | Jn. Unseen fate brings down the 

old and the young alike to the Grave ever ready to receive them. 
Seb, the tfyval^oo? oJa, is here, as elsewhere, spoken of in reference 
to his kcitoxi] of the dead in the Tuat, as in Unas 210. 

7. Whose face is in his own lap, v\ J|nV [ ^ J . 

Cf. Notes 5. 

8. The Amsu staff. The name of it is phonetically written 

fc$k vtok T ' n ^ ie * ater texts - ^ 1S tne emblem both of Osiris 
and of Horus, and is constantly represented along with bows, arrows, 
and other weapons, in the oldest coffins, as belonging to the 
celestial armoury of the deceased person. 

o. Who issueth his decrees. See Maspero, Bibl. Egyptol. II. : 
p 3 (note) and 39. 

„ n . £2 ° 

10. Green. The Egyptian ~vww is probably nearer in meaning 

to the Greek yXwpo*, ' pale green, yellowish-green.' 

11. The Rubric ends here in Pb. Lc. adds, They shall offei 
bread, beer, and all good things on the Birth-day of Osiris. And i 

108 



1 



VIar. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

'hese rites are performed for him, his soul will rise up and live for 
ver ; he will not ever die a second time in the divine Nether world.' 1 

The later texts add the information that the text was discovered 
n the great hall of the palace in the time of king Septa, and that it 

A /W\AAA 

vas found in a pit or chamber in the rock, ^ . It was 

nade by Horus for his father Osiris Unneferu. Septa is the fifth 
oyal name on the great tablet of Abydos. 



CHAPTER CXXXI. 

Chapter whereby one proceedeth into Heaven by the side of Rd. ( 1 ) 

Oh Ra (2) who art shining this night : if there be any one among 
hy followers, let him present himself living as a follower of Thoth, 
jvho causeth Horus to come forth this night. 

The heart of the Osiris is glad, because he is one at the head of 
{hem. 

His adversaries are brought to a stop by the warriors (3) of the 
psiris N, who is a follower of Ra, and hath taken his arms of steel. 

He cometh to thee, his father Ra, he followeth Shu and calleth 
for the Crown. He putteth on Hu (4) and is arrayed with the 
Lock which is on the path of Ra and is his glory. 

And he arriveth at the Aged one, at the confines of the Mount 
)f Glory, and the crown awaiteth him. 

The Osiris A^ raiseth it up. 

Thy Soul is with thee, and strong is thy Soul through the terror 
md the might which belong to thee, Oh Osiris N, who utterest the 
lecrees which Ra hath spoken in Heaven. 

Hail to thee, great god in the East of Heaven, who enterest into 
he Bark of Ra in the form of the Divine Hawk and executest the 
lecrees which have been uttered ; thou who strikest with thy sceptre 
rom thy Bark. 

The Osiris A^entereth into thy Bark and saileth peacefully to the 
"air West ; and Tmu saith to him : Art thou coming in ? 

Mehenit is millions upon millions in length from Amur to 
ra-ur (5) an endless river wherein the gods move. 

(6) whose path is in the fire; and they travel in 

he fire who come behind him. 

109 



Mar. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

Notes. 

1. None of the oldest papyri yet known contain this chapter. 
This of itself is not an argument against its antiquity, and there is 
really no reason for supposing it to be less ancient than the chapter 
which precedes it. The latter portion of the text is, however, very 
corrupt and we have unfortunately no means as yet of correcting it. 

2. O Ra. The name of the god is sometimes omitted in MSS. 
The context, however, requires its presence. It may nevertheless 
be asked : how can the Sun-god be said to be shining in the night? 

The question might as pertinently be asked : how can Horus (in 
the very same line) be said to come forth in the night ? The answer 
to both these questions is that the Sun, whether as Ra or as Horus 
or Osiris, shines in the night through the agency of Thoth, the Moon. 
For further information see Notes to next chapter. 

7.. Warriors ( ( 1 . I take this group as = 1 or ^ iffl 1 . 
But a papyrus gives the variant ^ (1 (I rW 1 . 

/WVW^ 11 I J J I 

4. He putteth on Hu. This is certainly obscure ; but it is not 
the less in conformity with the doctrine of the Pyramid texts. The 
deceased {Pepi I. 432, Merira 618) is borne to a region where he is 
fed from night till daybreak, and then seizes upon the god Hu, 

00^ ^ V\ VAv J|. _ And according to other texts ( Unas, 446, 

Teta, 250) the deceased seizes ( s ^ =s ) upon Hu, and after Sau has 
been fastened to his feet enters the bark and seizes upon (~^r J ) ^ e 
Mount of Glory. 

5. Mehenit °°^ Q \L , or in the masculine form ^ \L , 

is the name of the mythological serpent which personifies the sub- 
terranean path from West to East of the Sun's nightly course. In 
the Book of Hades (e.g. on the Sarcophagus of Seti, passim) it is 
represented as extending over the back, top and front of the shrine 
in which the Sun-god is borne in his Bark. The many folds of the 
serpent are symbolical of the turnings and windings of the river or 
canal ('^ ,') over which the god is conveyed. This river is here 
described as infinite in length. This is one of the instances from 



which it is clear JUL %\ 



, like the corresponding Coptic OTCI, 

has the meaning of length. See P.S.B.A., XVII, 190. 

The length ' from West to East ' is described as ' from Amur to 



Mar. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Taur ' f\ 41- f\ "^^ © <=> 2^2 ^^ © . Amur is known 

from many texts to signify the West (see supra, Chapter 64, note 13). 
The East is known as Ta-ur or Ta-urit. The royal Ritual at Abydos 

(Mariette, I. 37) says ^^3 # - - ^? f\y\^ ryj <£\ ^^^ ^ 

"^^ rv/-^ . And as one of the values of the sign 233 is /a as in 

p!Z3 (Louvre, B. 14), I feel sure that we should read Ta-ur (or 

in the feminine Ta-urit) rather than Nif-ur or Nif-urit, even in such 
passages as those quoted supra in Chapter 128, notes 1 and 2, which 
have no necessary references to earthly geography. 

6. There is a corrupt passage here, which I have at present 
no means of correcting by manuscript authority. M. Pierret thus 
renders it : " Le dieu qui partage les paroles y fait son chemin de 
millions d'annees, seigneur sans egal, dont le chemin est dans le feu." 



CHAPTER CXXXII. 

Chapter whereby a person is enabled to go round, to visit his dwelling 
in the Netherworld. 

I am the Lion-god who issueth from the Bow, (1) and therefore 
nave I shot forth. (2) 

I am the Eye of Horus ; and the Eye of Horus is opened at the 
instant that I reach the strand, coming with happy issue. 

I advance and, lo ! there is no defect found in me, and the 
Balance is relieved of my case. (3) 

Notes. 

i. The Bow, c=sj, often written with the determinative J\, of 

stretching, which is the conception implied in this name of the 
instrument. This mythological Bow, as 1 explained, Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., VI, 131, is the moon's crescent, which during its course 
through the sky is always turned towards the sun ; so that a line at 
right angles to the chord of the arc passes through the sun's centre. 
From this " very delicate observation," as Arago calls it, the 
Alexandrian astronomer Geminus infers that the moon derives 



Mar. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

its light from the sun. The observation evidently had been made 
in Egypt some thousands of years before Geminus, and explains 
why in several chapters the sun is spoken of as shining in or from 
the moon. 

See also Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., XVII, 37, on another form of 
the myth. 

2. I follow the Turin text in omitting a word about which the 
earlier texts are not agreed, but which seems to have originated in an 

alternate reading for |^ . 

3. See end of Chapter 1 and note. These words are omitted in 
Turin text. 




112 



Mar. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



KHIANA OR KHANA. 

Weston-super-Mare, 

February 2, 1897. 

My dear Mr. Rylands, 

I have read to-day, with lively interest, Prof. Hommel's 
" Assyriological Notes " in the Proceedings of February 2, and wish 
to make a few remarks on " the land of Khana or Khyana," in 
hope of possibly working a little more on the matter when I may 
have more leisure. 

At once this name suggested to me my old association of the 
Pharaoh S-user-n-Ra Khyan with two princes of similar name in the 
region of northern Syria now in question. Let me quote from a 
paper of mine on the Hyksos {Journal of Anthropological Institute, 
1889, p. 185). I compared Khyan with the Hyksos name IANNA2 
with rough breathing, and proceeded : " See the letters of Mr. Griffith 
and Mr. Petrie in the Academy of August 25th, and my letter in the 
Academy of September 1st of this year, in which I have shown 
reason for identifying the name Khian with Khaian, a name borne 
by a king of Khindani on the west side of Euphrates, south of the 
junction of the Khabur, in the time of Assurnazirpal, and by another 
prince, the son of Gabbari, who dwelt at the foot of Khamanu, 
that is, the Amanus range, north-west of Syria. There is a Tell 
Khai'a, south of Kharran, at the head of a tributary of the Belikh 
River, which may be connected with this name." In the Records of 
the Past, New Series, vol. ii, p. 144, Assumatsirpal speaks of the 
former Khayanu, and in vol. iv, p. 59, the second Khayanu is also 
called Khanu (as Prof. Hommel says the name of the district is 
contracted) of the country of the Sam'alians. 

Now we know how Lenormant believed that a Hyksos dynasty 
was of Hittite race. At all events this trace of the fatherland of 
Khyan, and of the correctness of my suggestion as to the two 
princes Khayanu, is worth recording. I am not sure whether these 

JI 3 



Mar. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

rulers were Hittite or Amorite. That is a further question. But 
surely we have an additional reason for believing the statement that 
Zoan was built (or rebuilt) seven years after Hebron (Num. xiii, 22). 

Allow me to take this opportunity of stating that I fancy I have 
found the name of Pethor alive at this day. 

In the Times of August 19, 1880, is an account of the exploration 
of Jerablus (Karkemish), and it is mentioned that the 'Ain-el-Bedder 
joins the Euphrates at the northern angle of the enceinte. This 
notice sent me to Rey's and Sachau's maps, where I find that this 
brook (not marked by name) must rise in its 'Ain in the neighbour- 
hood of Tash-atan, where Pethor appears to be found, called by the 
Hittites Pitru, and by the Egyptians Pederi. It is easy to believe 
that the spring should be called 'Ain-el-i?edder on the spot, for a 
place called after the name of the river, el-^urat (not .Airat), is 
found near the same part of the Eu-///rates. 

Hoping that the members of our Society will put up with these 
hasty notes, 

Believe me, 

Ever yours very truly, 

Henry George Tomkins. 




114 



Mar. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



THE ROLLIN PAPYRI AND THEIR BAKING 
CALCULATIONS. 

[Continued."] 

By Frof. Dr. August Eisenlohr. 

(Sent in 1 November, 1895.) 

Section II. Plates X— XIV. 

The real order of these five plates, according to their date, is 
PI. XII, XIII, X, XI, XIV. These plates are in time not subse- 
quent to PI. V-IX, but contemporary ; but while the first section 
comprises only the month of Thoth, this section extends to the end 
of the fourth month of the first season, the Choiak, and PI. XIV 
has even dates of the last month of this second year of Seti I. 
Also the subject of this section is different from that of the first 
section : while we saw there the dispensing of flour to different 
bakers, with their product in small loaves (kelesta), we have here 
the account of reception from the same bakers, first (PI. XII) of big 
loaves (akmt), then of big (XIII, 3) and small loaves (XIII, 4-23 ; 

X) to the magazine of the royal court, the v\ A v\ C~3 <vvw\a X$ 



-www *^~ y ^~>. 

tt C~3 uf a en chennii^ XII I, 2, also /vry alone (XII, 3-13). 

\J /VWW\ I 1 

115 



Mar. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

Plate XII. Translation and Commentary. 

1. Year 2, Thoth 2, one was in Memphis in Pa Ranefer- 
cheperka, the deceased. 

h \\ ^ "v\ autu is the impersonal form, third pers. sing, of the 

auxiliary verb au; cf. De Rouge, Chrest., Ill, p. 32. Vainly I searched 
for it in Erman's grammars. It signifies the royal court, or the 

king himself. 

Though the lists contain several f O J |_J 1 Raneferka and Ra- 

cheperka, also Ra-nefer-cheper (Wiedem. Geschichtc, pp. 296, 282), 
we have only once in the Grant collection (Wiedem., S. 280, i), 
probably the same name, Nefer-cheper-ka. Without doubt he built 

a part of Memphis, which was called after him ctd | f O £ ^ \_J | J 

Pa Ranefercheper-ka (mentioned also XIV, 3). Plate II, 2, is spoken 

of a temple of the goddess Hathor cr^i | f| cn [?n ' wn ^ cn 

belongs to Pa Ra-nefer-cheper-ka. 1 

2. Account of the receipts on flour for baking. 

On the word w , vide supra, Copt. Keite^ITGC, pistor, 



and rtl KCrted^ITen, panes subcinericii (Peyron Lex. ling, copticd). 

3. Store house of aku loaves by the hand of T'at'a, ground flotir 

sacks 3-|-, brought by him aku loaves, 168 each of 13^ 
ten, a tenth- of the oven, ten \\. 

4. Store house of aku loaves, by the hand of Chara, „ 

sacks 3 A, brought by him aku loaves 156, 5 each of 
13 ten, a tenth of the oven, ten 1^, rest of han, dkeku 5 
paste ten 3. 

1 That the name of the king is not Ra-nefer-cheper-ka, but Ra-aa-cheper-ka 
(Tutmcs I) Spiegelberg proved, "Commentary," p. 35. When the reading 
might be doubtful, PI. XII, 1, it is quite clear on his heliotype of PL XIV, 3 

(Spiegelberg, Tafel V), where LTT]|(o|^LJ|lis written. What Pleyte 

has read as Pa 1 lathor appears in Spiegelberg, Tafel XV, more as 

J^Jf)- (Spiegelberg jQ Q ^ t\f\ ^). 

2 Spiegelberg is in error (Transl., p. 10) in adding the tenth to the foregoing 
number 13^, as it belongs to the following ,'5 for baking, i.e. , l£ ten. 

Il6 



Mar. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

5. Store house of aku by the hand of Nennuamon, ground flour 
sacks 3 j, brought by htm aku loaves 156, each teti 13I, 
a tenth of the oven, ten il, together brought on this day 
loaves 480, brought on han 5, together [4] 85. 



As is said 1. 3-5 the big loaves ^ — ^ Y\G5J=!D, akeku, differently 

written from n~D | ^g* ^ pa aqu, XII, 3-13, probably 

"house of aliments" (Gr. Harris, XYIIb, XXXVa), for big and 
special kinds of bread had, when baked, a weight of 13 to 13^ ten 
= 1 176 to 1221 grammes, ca. -§■ kilo, 2'6 Avoirdupois pounds. The 

loss of the oven |]| (perhaps [~TJ k^. IA> ^ r - Harris, XVIlb, 10, 

XXXV«, 3), it is by baking, was the tenth part. Goriz, Betriebslehre, 
II, p. 224, accords the lawful loss in baking to \. Adding the loss 
of ii ten to the 13^ we get 15 ten (resp. 14^) for the weight of the 

paste of each bread {aku). L. 4 the rest (read A ut'a) of han \Tf 

are 5 breads. In the addition, 1. 5, these 5 breads are counted 

extra and then added to the 480 = 485. The meaning of ^ Y\ ^-^ 

11. 4, 8, 9 (Pap. Ebers, LIII, 18, 19 ~^ ) is probably paste 

(Copt. UJtO T ', farinae subactae viassa) ox leaven (Joachim, Pap. Ebers, 
p. 76, Loret, Pec. XI, 131). 

6. Thoth day 3. One zvas in Memphis. 
On autu (one) = the king's household and the king himself, see above. 
7 Store house of aliments through the hand of T'at'a, ground 
flour tep sacks 3^, brought by him akeku bread 168, each 
of \$\ ten, one-tenth of the oven ten 1^. 

8. Store house of aliments through the hand of Chara, „ 

„ sacks 2,i, brought by him akeku bread 151 1 o"6, each 
of i2j ten, one-tenth for the oven \\ ten, rest teti 1, makes 
in akeku bread 10, leaven ten 6 6. 

9. Store house of aliments through the hand of Nennuatnon, „ 

,, sacks 3^, brought by him akeku bread 156, 5 each 
of it, ten, one-tenth for the oven 1 1 ten, rest \ ten, makes in 
akeku 5, leaven 3 ten, together this day loaves 480, brought 
of han 15, together 495. 
117 



Mar. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S97. 

The original has also here (11. 7-9) not Pleyte's -^ but T V 
In 11. 8 and 9 we find a more complete account of the ^ «vw*a ^ 
ut'a en han (see above p. 97). The 10 additional loaves {akeku) in 
1. 8 and the 5 additional loaves in 1. 9 are without doubt what is 
called in 1. 4 ut'a en han. We see that in the addition were these 
15 additional loaves are called en han. But their number is derived 
from a rest 1. 8 of 1 ten, 1. 9 of ^ ten, and besides that is a weight of 

"^ (j> \ , 1. 8 of 6 ten, 1. 9 of 3 ten adjoined, which must refer to 

that additional number of loaves, because their weight 6 and 3 cor- 
responds with the numbers of the rest and the loaves : 1. 8, rest 1 ten, 
loaves 10, setu 6 ; 1. 9, rest \ ten, loaves 5, setu 3 ; the last corres- 
pondence between loaves and setu is also 1. 4, loaves 5, setu 3. 

The meaning of this setu seems to me to be : 

L. 4. Because the akeku had only 12^ ten, instead of 13^, there 
remained 1 ten of dough from each of the 156 (so probably we must 
read the number), 156 ten are sufficient for 10 akeku, which are 
added and it remains a rest of 6 ten. 156 = 10 x 15+6. 

L. 8. As supra I. 4, from 156 akeku, which had 13 ten instead of 
13V of dough, remained \ ten of each of the 156 = 78. As 5 akeku 
demanded only 5 x 15 = 75 ten, there were remaining 3 ten of 
dough. This small rest does not enter into the summation. 1 

L. 8 the second 6 is added, with the 10 additional loaves, to the 
number of loaves which the scribe did not do with the first 6 and 3 
in 1. 9, because this was only the rest in paste, see supra. 

L. 9 we have, also, XI, 3 °=^ Oes, better & = I==co °^' , Pap. 
Ebers, in the meaning of loaves (Pleyte, p. 17 piece). 

The sign J\ which is found throughout in the papyrus means 
the produce (le rendement). I translated it, PL V-IX, with gives 
here with brought? 



1 Spiegel berg, Comment., p. 43, feels unable to explain 11. 7 and 8. 

2 Spiegelberg translates J\ " es gingen von ihm ein." In the leather roll 
published by Virey {Jztude sur un parchemin, Mission archiol., Tome I, 3), 
treating of the accorded supply of materials, especially bricks, for the restoration 
of the decayed royal stables, the number of the bricks delivered is always 
preceded by the above sign J\ there entered, were delivered. 

118 



Mar. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

10. Tlwth day 4, one was in Memphis. 

11. Store house of aliments through the hand of T'at'a, ground 

flour tep sacks 3^, brought by him dkeku 167, each of 13^ 
ten, Yof or baking 1^ ten, rest dkeku 1. 

12. Store house of aliments through the hand of Chara ,, 

sacks 3^, brought by him dkeku 145 16 , rest dkeku 11, rest of 
han 5, each of 13 ten, Yo/ Or baking 1^ ten. 

1 3. Store house of aliments through the hand of Nennu anion baking 

sacks 3^, brought by him dkeku 156, each of 13 ten, -^ for 
the oven te7i H, rest of han 5, together this day loaves 479, 
brought of han 5, together 4.84. 

14. Sum ground flour, tep sacks 30, brought in big dkuu 146c, 

each of 15, finished 13^ fe# *"» coming from the oven. 

The number of akeku bread in 1. 12 is 145 4- 16. The 
additional 16 (as above 1. 8) is the sum of the two rests n + 5. 
We should expect each of 13 ten, as usually, direct after the 
number 145 ; perhaps this is an error of the scribe. In the addi- 
tion at the end of 1. 13, wrongly given by Pleyte, the original has 
479, and only 5 ^w™'^, though we have in each of 11. 12 
and 13 this sum. The original clearly gives 484 as the whole sum. 
Before ra pen this day is not .A but ' w > together or = ~w^a of 
that day. 

The addition of 1. 14 gives properly 30 sacks. 3x3^ = 
10^ + 6 x 3j = 19^ = 30. The number of 1460 akuu results from 
the adding of the given numbers, 168, 156, 156, 168, 151, 156 5 , 167, 
i45 J1 , 156 = 480 4- 480 4- 479 = 1439. The wanting 21 are given 
by the rest of akuu 54- 104- 1 4- 5 = 21. On kerh to between 
numbers, 1. 14. The original has ua neb \^_y , not neb and not (~) |, 
but 15. 

As we said above, PI. XIII and PI. X contain the continued 
series of the reception in the magazine of the court, which is called 

r\\ V\ v^ i\ \\ n vwwv s£" r* £~3 P a uta en chennu. The 

bread is taken from ? [JJ %^QQ ^ ( vide als0 pl - XIV > 5> XVIII, 
5, 6) the bakehouse, after Brugsch, Worterb., continuation, pp. 745 
and 653, the royal palace, the Konigshalle. This bakehouse stood 

119 



Mar. 2] 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. 



[1897. 



under the superintendence of a high functionary, the chief ^=^ 

q I 
Neferhotepu of Memphis. From that bakehouse the loaves of 

bread are received in the magazine of the court. This reception 

is executed by some scribes, two scribes of the sacrifices, Hui and 

Sakaan, and some other scribes, Ramesu and Necht (PI. XIII), 

Thothmesu and Paharpet (PI. X). All these belong to the uf a en 

chennu, called (1. 4) ut'a uab f | ^wwv, holy magazine. 1 Only 1. 3 

refers to the reception of big loaves (akeku), all the others to the 
smaller kelesta. 

(To be continued.) 




T20 



Mar. 2 PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



THE LAY OF THE THRESHERS. 
By Sir P. le Page Renoue. 

All those who are interested in Egyptology are familiar with the 
Lay of the Threshers, which was discovered by Champollion at 
El Kab in the tomb of Paheri, over the picture which it accom- 
panies as its appropriate text. And those who are old enough may 
remember the scepticism with which the discovery was greeted, and 
made its way even into such books as Dr. Craik's History of English 
Literature. 

Those days are now past : the Song has been published by 
Champollion, Rosellini and Lepsius and most recently by the 
Egypt Exploration Fund in its eleventh Memoir (A /mas el Medineh 
and the Tomb of Paheri at El Kab). And no great amount of 
hieroglyphic knowledge is necessary to qualify one for verifying the 
accurate meaning of the ancient lay. 

" Thresh ye for yourselves, 
Thresh ye for yourselves, ye oxen ! 
Thresh ye for yourselves, 
Thresh ye for yourselves, 
The straw for eating : 
And the corn for your masters.' 

But I am not aware that any Egyptologist or Folk-Loreist has 
yet called attention to the fact ihat these words form part of a song 
sung to this very day by the peasants of Corsica. 

Tribia tu, chi tribia anch' ellu. 

Mascarone e Cudanellu 

Ohi tribiate, o boni boi ! 
A tribiallu \oi e noi ! 
Chi lo granu tocchi a noi 
E la paglia tocchi a voi. 

121 K 



Mar. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [1897. 

The Corsican lay is somewhat longer than the Egyptian, but 
the editor Tommaseo (Canti Popolari Tascani Corsi Illirici Greci, 
Vol. II, p. 300) already in 1841 recognised the resemblance. 

We arc happily in possession of evidence (e.g. in the Tale of the 
Two Brothers) that the Egyptian oxen were not fed upon straw only, 
and the picture in the tomb of Paheri which accompanies the Lay 
exhibits, as Mr. Griffith has observed, the mouths of the oxen 
unmuzzled, in conformity with the righteous precept of Deuteronomy 
xxv, 4, which was not yet written. 



The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 37, 
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, 6th 
April, "1897, at 8 p.m., when the following Paper will be 
read : — 

E. J. Pilcher : " The Date of the Siloam Inscription." 



12J 



Mar. 2] PROCEEDINGS [1897. 



THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE 
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY. 



Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting them to the 

Society. 

Alker, E., Die Chronologie der Bucher der Konige und ParalipomenSn im 
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder. 

Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac. 

Contes de l'Egypte Chretienne. 

La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere. 

Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu. 

A., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes 

et Assyriennes. 

Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts. 



Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und 

die Cotter der Heiden. 
Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest. 
Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847- 1850. 

Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vol. 
I— III (Brugsch). 

Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies pas 

H. Brugsch et J. Dumichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen 
of vols. 3 and 4.) 
BuniNGER, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum 

Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis. 
Burckhardt, Eastern Travels. 

Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen. 
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1S62-1873. 
Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867. 
2nd series, 1869. 



Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 18S6. 

Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio. 



Ebers, C, Papyrus Ebers. 

Erman, Papyrus Weslcar. 

Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880. 

Gayet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre. 

Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877. 

Vingt-qualre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de. 

Grant-Bey, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerted 

on the Religions that came in contact with it. 
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze, 
Hommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892. 



MAR. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

JASTROW, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian "Dibbarra" Epic. 

JENSEN, Die kosmologie tier Bal)ylonier. 

JEREMIAS, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson- 

derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen. 
Joachim, II., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde. 
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative 

Semitic Philology. 
Kreiss, F. , De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio. 
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum 

Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtignung der Re- 

sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie. 
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. 
Leeebure, Le Mylhe Osirien. 2 me partie. "Osiris." 

Legrain, G., Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du I ouvre. 
Lehmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173; 

47 plates. 
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 1880. 
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia. 
MOller, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien. 
Noorotzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out- 

dekkingen. 
Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa. 
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy. 
Robiou, Croyances de 1'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides. 

Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides. 

Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage. 

Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee. 

SCHAEFFER, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi. 

Sciiouw, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris. 

Schroeder, Die Phcinizische Sprache. 

Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptishe Gotterglaube. 

Yirey, P., Quelques Observations sur l'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d un 

Monument Egyptien. 
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891. 
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue 

biblique. Lausanne, 1890. 
WlLCKEN, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben. 
Wiltzke, De Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra. 
WiNCKLER, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II. 

Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament. 

Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art. 

WESSELEY, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum. 

Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847 ; Vols. IV to XII, 

1850 to 1858, inclusive ; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 1878. 
ZlMMERN, H., Die Assyriologie als lliilfswissenschaft fur das Studium des Alten 

Testaments. 



XV 

ut, so that; so also X, 5. — 16: "JT^K nNTO v. Ill, 19. — 
"I23n JWlpa cockcrowing. Postbiblical. 

VII, 17: nn»t?a infill = nnaty. 

VIII, 9: "p 01 " 1 * 7 ^ w mat (construed with "?, so also 
v. 10, and similarly V^ vblb = JMi). — 15: 11133^ WOK* 
— 19: n"Opn tan cf. Deut. 6, 22. 

xi, 3: T nN ™ nsni = •?«. — 6: nta n»tsn — 1a 1 ?. — 
9: n bta lnnt^i = 'nb. 

XII, 2: rrxno ta = ta JVSn». — 10: "]ns-in : the reproach 
with which thou hast been reproached and so ibid. !"iriS*in. 

xiii, 1 1 : ita>» utaKty "inn. 



XIV 

•jrwK Kani n^nn nusb umK -jbj nnyi • bra nysa "jok hki t/bk 
trvn np t/bk n^ab Kantra nuiob bKB-t 'ok ♦ on^ iab^i oinna 
(!)i^p nab mo ioki p pjn ««bti "pa TvacLn^atyi nn ]o 95 
ua ny iBKbo rhww ^ -pna -ioki • ib "ibdm rwjra no ba ^ 
rrQiab D\ib« Tia ow nn>sb oiioa D":y w kb-ii dyi nbsni 
nip-ran na inob «n • ib nt?K bao ntyyo pi vbk mso D^pp by 
*mTJ vnnpyo tsnsm mpix ^aio wjw by bra noa nwyom 
nnjyyom np*ren na nbiyn maK pjnv vnty s sbi riari ib abty no ioo 
ITjm nKian ba n« "«yj;n n^y nti>o vmn T,ab »pa p\nt wi 



Peculiar forms and constructions in the Hebrew Text 
A. of Tobit, some of which are postbiblical. 

I, 6: vbjj nb T,Bt^1 (v. VIII, 4. cf. Lament. 2, 19. Ps. 
62, 9). — 10: nOB KB (similar forms with B: III, 11 fptya bjmi; 

ix, 2 nnot?a Kab = b«). — 17: na anmo inn. 

II, 2 ntn b«"it^ -oao inx "o. cf. v, 2: pto nn«. - 

7: TIKI" 1 nBin (cf. Eccl. 1, 16. Ezra 10, i. Nehem. 2, 2.). — 
17: D^non DJ> ion blOJK neologism. Biblical is: IDn 7W$ (v. 

Ruth 1,8).— 14: «an nbiyn «n (postbiblical). — 15 : Q^anb pym 

(= worked for many). — 17: na^ |B (Conj. before a noun, 
not biblical). 

III, 7: Ybtobl "jb ^1K (postbiblical idea of: luck). — 9: Kb 
•Tb« 1il31 (cf. v. 19. Nehem. 8, 10). — 15 : niBlO D^nb boil — 
21: nYWI yn YByn npnsni (later paraphrase of Prov. 10, 2. 
v. XII, 7). 

IV, 1 : Wfii by pnnO instead of: WB3 fiK b^l (I Kgs. 
19, 4. Jonah 4, 8). — "IIOKb 13Bb Klp^l = spake. 

V, 2 s. II, 2.— 12: ^Bb JTP bK (biblical: ^B cf. Gen. 
21, 12). — 17: nbtyi Perfect instead of Imperfect so also v. 19 

)nii (=■-• \m) viii, 1 1 nmi = jni and iyii = i\yi. cf. x, 2 baKn Kbi 
= nbaK Kbi. — 20: aitrb inob cf. Exod. 12, 33. 

VI, 1: 10in ^Bb — suddenly. Postbiblical. — 2: . . . 1\T YiJJ 

n«ianb (cf. v, 24). — 7: baa rww = ba. — 15: iKr ib>k = 



XIII 



55 xb dki >i)y D^n ^ r> no 1 ?! o^i« nyaty nya ino nm nnp 
5m nos .my nann yoty« xb) ny om tii« anrfc "p^ya ao« 
n« riwSDi^ ^>«an *]s i ?o i ? n^tri • nnten nan bp ntn ova q 
nty*6 *aio p mait^ p ,! ? m» nw ray ]mj;o s aio ns qtom 
n« ^aio nar njw nntaa IV. • anty.n n^o wdpk naoe td.-6i 

60 to 1 * to ■oa ^ nasi oa rra»b «ip^i • ^sai Ta Tpsnty *pan 
*)«iai aw tew ay n^n *6i to 11 b npns ntyyi urn "jy6k ^ nw 
^ p ^a nnyi . an ntrij; n, 1 ? jw nani ^ixna "pflintyya tynani 
rtto r?n onio nr vijrr sni ^«aa Ta mnpan *pa naa ntyy 

v. ntyys wis ntya b va« w rpaia )jn V. ♦'pan -]b ]rv Kim 

65 mao n 1 ? s a«i n T3fi *6 am toaa to >*pan nnp^> bis tk b« 

• ^ wo myaoi »^ pity n»n nyatan np vaa ^ nraK onia 
«p to oT3» ^ pun -joy n>ty pw ty^K typa ^ia nnyi 
*6i noiy ^«sn -js^on n« «s»i i»y n,Tty pxa ty\x typa 1 ? nmta 
-m • toner s i3D ^ r o« »nn« po i? ^>sty »enn *"• 7660 n wan 

70 Ti«i ,! ? (l.)\n»n) pno,s n^aiB 1? ion «)n ^ n»N .n»^> n^n 1 ? nym 1^ 
s ia ^anto )b vjk om« enp i 1 ? io« 00*6 mri maia n,vi ♦•0*6 
5aio ws-ip me • jn 1 s ? '»« . lay -j^n^ nn« nan ho^» -])brtb nan 
mfep Dts»n m^«i ntn vmn dj; f^m -jd^j; ppnn n "ia«i iia^> 
ms von iv ww Tna an^ity laSn m ♦ ni^tra nnatri dddvj 

vi. ion^ ^axi in K2M ninty^ von ^« n^aita yy) vi. nty o^ 

75 "j^n on^ aitj;n k^i inn ns nn«i i^ n^aita^ b«sn vj*n ♦pyai 
mw yaa ^ssn ^ vj« »rwa^ mi« «^vi inn (i.n«) ^„s tysm n^aiD 
nn ia ty^ty ty\s* b ^ i:q» T»pn^ ants Kim ia^ npi yaD.sa 
n^vn nioo nityo 1 ? nam fc s\m nnon npi oioo mna^ty nnty 

so nv ia^n ^ssn n nn nty«D ,Tai& p ntyj; • i»ssti pmy ana ty« 
^i }pj ty\s smty ^an ^iyi n^a^> vik • .Tails'? ^an nasi ♦no 

• nt?«b (l. n nnw) i^ n,m« jn^ty 1^ mosi nnty notyi nsa ny na^ nns n^ 
Dita2 imtan D^tyis nyaty^ nstyi wm ^nvoty .Taita i^> nos 
a^ np noy nnna n\nn nty^a «i^n «^> ^«sn nos «nn.s i«ia^ 

vn. ^an nox vii. ♦nna^i nno ntym (innia) inia nnn nm« nopi inn 

5 nnty ns "?«ij;n np^i ♦ ^un i 1 ? nos nty^ 1 ? noio^ -jna )n bn)vb 

n^ pnns ^pas mwxb ^lyi no« »nty«^ n^aio^ n"? pi ma 

nan ns sraio nDt n^o onty« nn^i n^aita noty isia^i «aDty» 

\snotysi nnty nia nnn itap^i nnnon by nty^i inn a^ np>i bxsi 

90 no« nno 1 ? .nms xsity nan^ a.Tity i^snn rn «mai nnn !?ap 
^«an ^n t& »ant naa mtyyn n, 1 ? \m ^«ai^ n,^ b«an^> ,Taio 
n« nmn t« nyn s nn« tik n^aita^ ^ssn nasi «]oan ns « s am 



XII 

<yya iom ]n dv6k n jna n«r tyi n 1 ? toa nan }o kt 
nyai oroo ov iy n ntr« to ty nm« npsi fton isKao^ty 
ixKatato not? inKi • ant naa it?y nnp 'rKaj in mo ms K\m 
anon mo ntyjj? mn annao ^om • vnnn laa annao i^>o "jton 20 
inn n«n mnssm mom^i nnjr6 an^> mia n\n ♦d":j^ am 
jrnrpfi yitsna annaa aan oniK iaip mn mnmn ]o pKa toia 
ppm am one aim a^oatrn i#y ty nViia noma nwA fton 
mn *p mo nKiem • aniK iaip mn vki p«a antono antoa 
^kit mK aya ♦ niai a^oya nt^y nwai dhik lapi n^to Dp^i ibk 25 
ibnh nwa vw noKv .nnn« kxo k^>i n^nnn nas nK annaa 
p mo yotswai oniK anm; "jton rw n^a nniK lap mo 
p iv 0^ mo vasto Kanni mn nK bbwb "jton nm *ma 
laa pniDK "pton ('.pnnaa'? ama iniK lain via (lytwoan i'joiik 
anai ip'pK iam ♦ )b ipk to ty ippK^? "jton iipBi • vnnn 30 
TrtPK ns?y nijnatr an yantsm 11. ma^ lnwi mo ty omo 11. 
Kam ^ laa nmo^> iok ;n^n ty atsm mntsm 01 jnbdik 
itk kxoi nmo 1^1 oaoy ^a«^ dm^k "wms a^ayn umko n 
l^i jntoiwi p Dp vaK ntry no onK^ lai "jna ftoio no ins 
msvn Ka iy mK nna mix Kmi nyn ami p miK np^i mK 35 
mpw Mb ik ioki «toKa ion^> toKv mn ?k aan nap 1 ? tow 
jtavn Katsm ^na ■•aa -jai • to«^ nan^ toi oa^n Tosni i:a 
toai nvi^ v:bi moo ^y aatyi m^a *?k a»i miK iapi I 1 ?.! 
n^n ,ikibi m^y^ kbii^ "j^n nm ipaai • i^y ^y ^nian )o isy 
y^m * D^ity 1 ny mm v: s y ^tro iiyty iy oito ^ by\n k^i 4 o 
ntyyo n^iy mn m^K mn n^ai d^o^ oniK oiiso mn iamK 
bw\ «maa pyu +isn yotr ^aioi niapa ihk na n 1 ? imai n^i^ 
ntyyo ia^a m^K nan nioK • miK naaa ^ik ntn nan ^ )^ao n^> 
by amatr nm n^ ^aio r»Kn k^i omrnaa Kbty ^ lana n^ 

♦ K^ab ^anK ^pi invan -jaio )K mo^ nan ni»K • nan 45 
ioni wsa nn^a nan 1 ? tosnm ia s, i ibk mn -ja ^aio yowa III. 111. 
-ny nam yot?K k^i «na mio aio s a ^aoo ^aa n.s np yti>:h 
nyotr no pKa D^anaaKa nrpnv ^Kiyi na m» Kinn mm 

sa k^ nno m«i •n»«^ n^aK n^as6 nstrat^ s b^ nnia nam 
n^a«n m naintr km nK nnnstr n^ hioki pKn to ina 50 

♦ aniK npto nm& ybtt Ka k^ ano mKi nnb nx&m nb»n 
tittyft bx byn) bra s aa iam nnns^ nai nK rr& nyotr nt^Ka mi 
k^i ^:n nnno s a nyi^ nn« y^ai 'oki ♦ ntrsa nisa my "?tonn^ 
k 1 ?! m^na nty-i 1 ? p \b tki nK^ rmr ^aKi »mK ay mKooa 



XI 

9 orws m» ton laa ^ *aitt "ia*m nma nbwto -p™*^ nDnni 
mtrj^ k^ki ^ «»wnW^ D"»ya ljmn i»bo i«np mrrt nin 
•ayn Va lajn » 2 ai& avto tona^ imw n*n nnets6 oa^aK^arn iacj> 

10 iaieai (ltora) la^Ktr whtot "jna iaa rvaita ■?« "oia na*m :p« 
:3u«noiBiai ltow) latoKtr ia\i^ K"in "jna ♦oyn b lajn •tt*ri 

3i •toud^ nww ontei iaa rraitDi intra mi 010 naona^ i»ip^ 

in 1 ? ouai d^ito ptoiw!? itk 0^1 «p« najn -pa rwaa Tva TO 

xiv.vn ^ vrm •na»tfj» , un vt^n vry vTKn nn« "aia rm XIV. 

1 :maa Tin naita na^ao v»y "?« «p*m n^i :na» Dentin ns& 

2 ron»to »ta anai on'? nnaao mrr nanaa (?nt?y "«?«) mye "ifw 

3 ^k raw "i»*6 iin ^>n neioi idid wb vn :<n nprnto mm ns 

^aa 1 ? dv6k ^aa 1 ? "pyK o loyn "?« s aa 

prn 



B. 

rtosi nat? nap rntw «xrn T>nt n«mn ba n« "ipyn nts>y 
T»roti "pan ntrya dp ictr p«6 -ina s ity« Diprsa T-nte ^ ^aa 1 ? 
b yrb* ^ na n«T^> "iabn jvd 1 ? -pjw -jnpn nnoai Timw 
ato? npyn otrynntr ^aan "i^y «x>yn Try Stri noK 'Dvsv! 

5 -ipynnK *mr\ ^cy"? .-row in« fcrcnn^m ^trials'? ton oonnn 
omar onjn *aai ^nnp^i aw« p"? '«aty ^aan i*6 o*n '"pri 
*6i 17 y-i b^k }ir6 ^>naa '»« ^ '*i ♦ wpn i*6 dm ♦ •pnTJi 
rovroyB wsio ia\xp no '»« piosn m ♦ ii«ia > > ion o jrr 
♦ iiK-o vnniyyo K^ia rmw "in^a ntyj;^ • • ^ "i '»«n • •'inid 

1. nns t^«a n^nty n^vs I. • -wjm ityy ^itr^ Tnta tvtm '*pb 

10 m« nj; ntrij; nvn tbt< Tna ^n iw fei ^nsa taatrc "oie lOKn 
^tji vaK» Din" 1 n«tya «im »myia ni^n vn idj; ntrx'? o^ni nnon 
r?n x>froi •t^ "["na im« an: wni va« n« nman inw (1. butty 
loty «np-»i ]a i 1 ? i^m nin nntri inns^oDi ijnto ntr« «»a tr^« 

I5 pNOBtt vn wnp vns "?a m:^ n^a n'riaa rrn "ity«ai '.Tails 
rww '•aso ^ai« n\n «^> «im • niDi^n ^aa )» D»n"? D^ai«i atysa 



1 Ps. 105, i. - cf. Jerem. 31, 13. 3 Formula of Grace, Talmud 
Bcrachoth f. 49 b and 50 a. 4 cf. Deut. 11, 22. 



X 

njDP nabo nn« wi man lab bxn iani« am ntwt b«nt^ 13 
nb |na mtx nonam a^boam *)om napen bai rrw «am *&wi 
ba n«i irn« nmpn ba nx va«b maio nsa^i :ma« bsiyn 14 
bs -mta no*w XII. :nw;«n wbsn -ibm ^Kbon lb W nawxn. 
ipnn n« aim obbaa Tb« ^an ^ ^ ?B ^n nh ' n:n:5a nDn ,,|in ' 
•jron msno to npbi om« «*ip ^aa nnjn t*]oy iwabaa nanm 2 
newi raa n« bmi "i«bon ba aopi van b« j;»ty , i :naan -raw 3 
ina nny 2 *jbbaa nw ^aana nan ♦o^«n b^k «an« ^ab aa ^n« 
nay "]« nan np« 8 s ? oofrri ♦ban msno np ^ Ksoan baa -jb 4 
Brwb n t ?tr*' Kin "a otyip at? n« ianai ib m«wfl nama nw na 
avion ay nbya tok yw 7b via x>« mrp mia nam nbysa 5 
tain no« s a ata naT abi *"ip^ sb b*ntr nsai :3no«i nan 6 
nb«n nran Tby n^ 1 "I™ nDi BYibNm : 5 nioo b^n np-ixi 7 s 
•jabon baa-i *a« •onbtri tyib^n n« yos^i >")oaa im« *pm 9 
:ni«au mm 6 ^on ^aa na nawtn avntyon tntpn nyaty p in« 
yotw ona^nbi -pa n« vbvtbi ^xnbi fma nwanb s by nri 10 
n« ayotra wi tnnanm rr» nban ay inanm fn^sn n« n 
•iKTn ba anb no&n jamas by iba^i nnyi b« »•« momi man 12 
«b ^ •nban anann ba n« vwy inisoai ♦Tiaa mm nana 13 
vibaa «b anb ba« nnitsn bai« viana aa^y n«nob nam ^abo 
«b am *j«bon nns^i mrf n« lana^i loip^i : ^n^nt^ ^b a^oi 13 
toip^i xill. :an s a s y i«n m«as mm i^bo ^a onio^ p i«t s a oymxin. 
»^yo a^bnai mm nn« bna ^aio io*n tomnbK nw n« lana^i l 
fmo ♦ io by^ bi«» rnmo naibon-jb ^a t r nyi abiyb ia^by -pboni 2 
: j -nan abiyb o aio o mmb mn : ij b^o imo ym •WBTn vmi 3 
ttia j 3nb\nn mon lb s a inb^nn ba y^o^' 1 mm nmaa bbo^ s o 4 
mm mia : x +ntyab mm mn i«o nbna \nb« nw mm n« ^aa 5 
iba ano wi t'spx «ayn ba no«i «obiyn nyi abiyno b«"«^ \nb« 6 
iab s i loipM )Ksm napon ay n«a ^ntr^ nan n^aiob navi bia^b 
isbo^i : i6 a s n^ai nnot^a nman a^^a^i »nibino3i a^aina an^npb 7 
ba by ^nan mn^b nv »bna bip mn s n« lana^i nni^on w 
mm nn« mna ^aio no« s i tnw lab bys ipk ni^bsammaion s 
m-ian low laoyo imoxi *]-tan nyao «b n£y« b«n^^ %nb« 



I II Kings 5, 3. 2 Gen. 30, 27. 3 cf. Ruth 1,8. 4 ISam. 15, 29. 
5 Prov. 10, 2. 6 Esther 1, 13, 14. 7 Gen. 43, 33 cf. Is. 13, 8. 
8 cf. Ps. 111, 2. 9 cf. Exod. 15, 18. IO I Sam. 2, 6. 

II Deut. 32, 29. I2 Ps. 106, I — 2. J 3 Ps. 65, 2. J 4 Ps. 104, 1. 
»5 I Chr. 16, 36. 16 Gen. 31, 27. n Ps. 107, 8. 



IX 

ba it3Dty» na r mayfi nn« ynoi ns 1 ? nns uwis yno ^a ^s 

3 2 -loam j»m ns^i nnm« vn nisi s a b«n *6i nan ^sni intwi 

:snMm rftnan man wty nssn ^ nn« d^k ^sk »n^K •?« 

4 o^sa 1PK ttw» n« ^a»n irss^ nnoty ir:s n« n^m 

5 Tines \m« nana »a •TiinK ^-rn "?k osia n^> jp md^s nw 
mm 1*601 'lao )o«i ioy ^mn Bnun "a ♦Di i ?B>s maw ity« 

6 ^aa mrr nato ^ik •■'Km Tina mnnn *o ^ t«in ni«as 
lis nifl "w fe iosty» na «nnn s aa^ n« nnotsn •am&yai »wnpTS 

7 no'? oann ^Kijn bx ioi«i is"?s st^no mn msia dsi :mnnn 
inw *6i an:ty rma ^«i s s« mm *s wi rn^sn mmi tiik nn«n 

8 *o ^«in *unnb bwjr\ )b *ibk s i :ni^a ^aw ar ny ltaipt^ k^i 

9 i 1 ? jjm » 6 Dnvai nnaps yfc&m nb» a^yisty n^qi tik stsn 
r»y tibw srw ("?«) na^Ki wfc» ♦••ayety ^i» xb ♦(n)" , aio 

10 *paa i&y nto intra n«i wrtttm ib bw vb '•a ^Kijn nti 

11 ms^i :n^ra nnmsi 8 nan rrnayi napai 7nin:i&si snm 
mm trottM ynt *]^> jm bm«n t6k mm oo^i ins n« ^Kiyn 

xi. lymai rsn«i vsnp ^ai ♦wki mis v6an XI. :maTi mirai 

1 mwpi am an erw «niaa 1^ umi »nn« or tyi lay ir^n 

2 -7*613 no*n o7n iaip nt?*o \mi jnmyn maa men •sjttohi 
■btm io mrn ia*? ins »a njrr nan »msi& ^k mm 9«[in«] 

3 »ms« nx n«si inoi "Tiaj?s -jm 1 ? dv nnj;i tT3«a misnn 

4 rpnna A nos^i : »mpon ^n^i *]n^« ^ tax 1 ? n^niiw »am 
j^i np^i m»n ns t^sn^ msita irwi ^nnsT nty« nsin sid 

5 oron3i mm rtarb w» msn "jniss msiia ns i«^on in 

6 np nrttifi^ nnnan *m sin nno nsi : inptyii ts« ^a^ «si 

7 «a s i maiB m«a -j^i : isVs rintm i«m • tss ^y nt?»i i 1 ? 
s ^aita nBBn :rw« n« x>sni pni io« in«nni ikss to ♦rpfjtti 

•?s^i i^-i )s«s «pi ois nKip 1 ? pn"? typsi ontso T 3^» Qp'i i«o 

9 ra« ns npM oionn ^yo tpi <msit3 ino^i tvi^ji ina "a •nsnn 
^ips miDis^i tm^rw mm *?« mrwn laai onp^i y*\nn byn 

10 mnpsni »va« ^y n« na rwa^i «n mo ns msita np^i t^na 
:ikb noty^i »wy n« [naa *i^s] naa nty« )sibn ^s^i rs« ^ry 

| J \nV« mm mis oowm tmrrt comniyni n^« n«i ^ nin «-ini 

1 cf. Judg. 5, 28. 2 Lam. I, 22. 3 cf. Gen. 42, 21. 

4 Lam. 4, 20. S Gen. 24, 56. ° Gen. 31, 27. 7 2 Chr. 21, 3. 

8 cf. Job. 1, 3. 9 Job 42, ll. 9 a So and sign of del. in M.S. 

10 Gen. 26, 8. ll Ps. 85, 14. I2 Gen. 33, 14. 

'3 12 added afterwards over the word. M Ps. 91, 12. 



VIII 

ivb nbjyn rnianaai tbn wsb mua mroo ♦maab pmb s nb"sn 
: ^iwb wo 11 by n»r «bi ^naa ytf xb tok jbbo mm ny:pi 2 3 
a *r\nn nm •a TniKbaai Ya^ ba by mibK mm "pu p by 24 
nn« -npnb m«n ^a o *)k **ptete< Kb b^cbm <»tri amtyn 
Kin nnxi P^-pmbvin ba jpbeh Ynma:i nK bbi^ mi tone 25 
nmpa nb^bn "Wia mm : nana ba by Donoi p*nb bab Ktwnisn 26 
fci 'maiBb nap aisnb nn» mip ♦vpjKb bKiyn Kipi ♦naan 
w : *a unnnn Taw DTORn nyatrb newa pa« imp ^ s nyr 27 
nx "6 v6» »WKb ■ua&n in^ bx bxiyn a*n oapn amb mibaa 
mm ♦ roaxn "jbni :no ix s n ninan ax m:ianm nnxm moan 2s 
nai& mwa antyam a»m ♦anB»a awi raaw a^n dw 
ipx bxntr 1 ^nbx mm "jna • n»sn mm nx em : aaab netsn 29 
lib yinb be" 1 xb -wx jatra iy:ri ♦ snia>yb x^baBi ia»j? amn 
bxiyi in « 6 iyby xipa "ptr itrx curt ba iyYi abiy iy waabi 
♦ nep ba bx xipn naa wai in ;nsb ns napn nx lxb^i 30 
natrb mam md bxiyi &pn*i :?n^na me 1m mtsn ibax s i 31 
8 iixxin rnnsiKi win e>e-i rrana ib pn : trjnaw ny inK 32 
(n^sno) ib ]m ib kxb-' *w (1. baai) baai imeyi mt?i rabKi 
e "jKben bK maia iekm ix. : ban np^ mm nnKi • rtfta ix 
"pan naam nan s nbKin ayan "jk ♦'•a "pK im bK -o^k 
(....) nman b8 (!)b«aj b« ^ nabm j»]wjnn p ]i*\mn 2 
mb w»o t^pai ^aan inno bapi -jTa np nb«n mm«m 
D^yiaff ii8^D ny me nnsnb bai8 8 1 ? ^ oiaj; nioty^i nnotya 
^ mr 8^i ^a^ Bipty «b '•a nyT nnsi t rowan w nio^n 3 
»asn bKiyi nay» nyniK npM '-jKbcn ib jHoarn :aib^a ^u» 4 
mppb ^]DDn dk npM ♦niKn bK^a^ bK ]nn ^kt Ka^ onK n^bs^ 
motyb Kab i:b» ppa -istki ^aita p maitsb *ijj>k ba nx ib na**! 5 
Barm (!)bKaj npM : xi iab nn»^ nvai iminn ava n^npn ay 6 
ijsy maiai inKS»M bKiyi nma Kaa %ti : mx . fb^ lbw n« 7 
-pir "igkm inanaM qa^ inptsn n«is by ba^i anbn by d'qbt s 
: j 3y-iD iai a\nbK kt ♦nnK "i^i aita t^K p ■•a "TiBBni mm 
♦pK «ayn ba liy^ ♦npisn hk Tbin ntyK fna maa ima \m 9 
•ittKM iab bK axyrvi »*)yn na ^anta mm X. nnotrn intyi ibaKM X j* 



I Zech. 3, 1. 2 I Kings 8, 27. 3 Ps. 106, 2. 4 I Chr. 29, II. 
5 Judg. 13, 19. 6 Jerem. 14, 9. 7 II Kings 6, 23. 

8 So Ms. on N a stroke i. e. deletur. 9 Gen. 18, 30. x ° Ruth 3, 10. 

II Song 3, 11. 12 Numb 6, 24. '3 Job 1, 1. 14 cf. Ruth 4, 12. 



VII 

s *bm hi Kin »ten bhvi »5>a ty bna »ten *nia *ta ty ntis 
pnsi -itr »te^ Diia »fc£ nisei pn ^a ^ iarp net ^a ty nnei 
♦ ^d 1 ? naiy »ton -jdid »ten nat? i 1 ? pma »W? mio ^im hi «W? 
mrr mm ^d 1 ? niir anp • 'jd 1 ? tdhi pro »te «ra» rnie 

9 rnn^n \-6k : x ^n 100 -pin »^>a i"? ian s nw »ta ty vemi 
•pen 1 ? 1: 1 ? to mat .o^iyo *ptr Kipa mm [mm] ma-isn vim 

10 -jVnnn tpm <a« *aio nan 1 ? ^ *o man : 2 nen n^iye <a -pemi 
n: 1 ? jnn^i yiaa^ T6a^ p»a lyai s a^sni nasi nana "ps 1 ? 

11 ^nei^i -p» T^ ia s KSKS vm oqvm jnt n«m nts>Kn p -6 nnii 

12 yei?n m»t?n nn«i my pai d\-6k nns -a a^eya jniai ^min 
arnnK n^sn n« tnwipn tinman n^sn ns nyet? newa Ti^sn 
•tarrca apy n^sm -nman vta pnr n^ani •o v wa maa 
jvani ^fi no« ps-6 ivp smioa ^nyen now mnty\n b n^ani 

13 bx mrr m,T oo«m mt? ^snni j^Kiai nra m.T yizb k& 
nets6 &zbnb non nsia nc«i nan mi maa m« pam mm 

H i 1 ? neT nai •■poa s e '"py w p«i inn 1 ? nns nirr }7vnisei roirflu 

15 ntna nn« : 8 -p"?K *p-iy p«i ^ma p«i fn^T p« •^ w -ei 
^aa K^sai nn« nn« 5 maato i^»«^ p*? «nnap -pas'? pNi »^>an 
nvn k 1 ? "iv n*n nnai • mwn *6 pyi ♦ta pyo n^j?ai -jom 

16 Q^o»n «2s ^d p :^on^ «V 7*ini8n »iTnn nm« nn«i ♦abiyn 
.•JT21 nn^ nojn n«ip -js nm«n^ on ( mn «^ tti ityya mmn 

17 o«nn iTm jnnmp 1 ? nmty.mi DT3«n^i Dm ! ?nn i ? rmaam mn 
"i»« o-'Bstyom n^nn m«n s an n jinn 1 ? ntn o^yn ntom mom 

18 Vion«m «"innn nott^i "j^nis 1 ? ^n^on^ nxin «nn o^iyni 5 nn^is 

19 mnn niy« D\n^«n Kin nn«i :"jn nnann nnt 1 ? lo nnsn rony 
mm« on 1 ? »yni »non«n '•as ^y n^« D^oyn ^0 pnw yntn 

20 nan«n «dw k^o i'po ♦hot nnyi j xx DiT^ m»pn ^a n^nmm 
m» ia^0N n^sn ^« nyotr ity«D 'trnnn *?« ^nyon Vni ^n^sn 
ysinnna npm n^sm «nnnsty n^n [nan] nni« ^j? n^snnn 

21 nnoyD nya n^an mpy D^aan dk (ij^mn^snm :na"ipa o^aan 
lii^mwb ^nn^na nnoiy n s ia nbm nom n« nnsni nmns 

22 oya oa nms nnoya nap^s w» rtsroi ♦n« , aan ono msnm 
n^yn ]a 'T iDi? nnB^»i now « s aa ]a naoo T«oyni ♦ i2 no , y"in "iiaya 1 ? 



1 Poem with an alphabetical Acrostic. 2 Ps. 25, 6. 3 I. Sam. i, 11. 

4 cf. Daily Prayers, taken from Talmud Tr. Berachoth f. lib. 

5 Ps. 56, 9. 6 p s . 19, 15. 7 Exod. 34, 6. 

8 Liturgy Sabbath morning prayer (Nishmath). 9 Ps. 102, 28. 

» Jes. 30, 33. » Deut. 6, 22. * 2 I. Sam. I, 6. 



VI 

•wk naan by iat?y n« mtym t?Ka sbn n« -pyan nWi nW 
noun maa> worm •jWK-in nWa mm :«w"in aai na iaapn 15 
awa« aaa law *wk "pr^K ^>k bbtrm wn nWni ♦awnpn 

■pn^K n«T3 "pun rwjn naan ranpa w^bti nM>a mm ta^aia 16 
maia *?k pttm «n«a nacm ^kijti ma *?k ucw VII. [^n] : Tm^mvu. 
lOKni paia awn aw iKina n«n nan »uwk naiy ^>k na^i J 
-it?K matrn p ^nsa p«o "ibk^i ?nn« ]^kbi «anK W »uwk 
■jKten "ibkm ?vik ^aia n« anjrm »^Kijn an*? na^i inwaa 3 
mriK raa ty te^i ^ijn t^i :maia iatri oaa mnan nn oajm 4 
ana b^k p ^ 2 mn6 *aa nnK Tna oaKi : •nwa ty nri mpm 5 
gran •anaaa i 5 ? wai ♦vty oai (inai) ma>K na-ry naKam »nn« 
• nn ♦ toojn ^k naK maiai : 4 onto ty oam any tjw 6 
: a. *awn) awn Ka ^k utk s a • *pya ^« w ^aaK nbna nbtw 
nnna rwK^ ,! ? nnn aw s a »mww "jna ^ nam to ^>Kin nnyi 7 
oa nw p kt ••a "?Kijn toiai : 6,, aK ^wai tbsj; ■a s-u-ik bn6 8 
^aiana vsb (1. nt^i) nat^i •nr ty a^naian awa« nyaao Kin 
xb *a i 1 ? nan mm aa>ai 8 na Ka »a KTn bo, *yhoti "ibk^i 9 
vi^k mm jmi ^aiK "pana \m & ^kijti Jim tpa nn *b naiaa 
oniKm aa^> m^K&w nK k^i »9ps jvaa ama nK bsr\w 10 
main nwi onoj? mn^ wnan apyi pns^ omaK \n^Ki »naia^ 
•anann n^? innri at? Tyn ^apt isdk^i :*°(i. amaty) oa^aty ^j? n 
hfym nnatra lnoBm i^km »nbm ]nnm a\n^Kn n« iD-in 
n« n^ia "on ima^asn n-nnn ama» ik^i ]d nnK wi Vlii.^ 111 ^ 
■jK^an np^i »ia»p ^yn wk ^na ^ ;mi ♦iaan n« np^i ••jK^an nan 
ibk^i jansa *as by mt& maian inn^t^i omaKM «j»nn nK 3 
hWa aa n^n ia\n^s mm ^k ^anm ^aip •rrtf b» maia 
» t y\ ianaK awnp s aa s a nm nnanna w^trn nVte mm •mm 
na^Ka i^smi ama» laip^i jwnwaa ntr« a^ian mpna "i^a 4 
Tia »maia ibk^i :vas^ anann b^nb aa 1 ? nn iaa^i ♦mm^aa'? 5 
: n"?ai ]nn nno^i )wp Kin nt^K a^iyn -j^a mn^K mm nnK 
la^sa anKn nK nKna i»k a^iyn ^a irn^K mm nns ^na 6 
nty i^> nnai qiav^i "jnyr njr6 fniiaa naa 1^> nnai "-jmaanai 7 
IfiKH anpn amKSKS main^i niai^i nns^ an^ misi <nm 



I Gen. 46, 29. 2 c f. Judg. 17, 2. 3 cf. Is. 14, 21. 

4 cf. Gen. 37, 25. 5 I. Kings 2, 16. ° cf. Gen. 29, 14. 19. 

7 Ps. 39, 2. 8 Gen. 30, II. 9 cf. Ruth 4, 12. 10 c f. Deut. 28,8. 

II cf. Wedding Ritual; v. Talmud Ketuboth fol. 8a. 



V 

15 npaoi "jot? no ^ rrr:in •wb ^ imfi :ioy "j^k ^aan -j^on 

16 »bnan maan p mp *bp •"i&K'n "]*6»n jjm :?nn« mpi nnspa 

17 rmape who ,! ? mam Trya nm ^n ^ava "icin ran n"?na nnatyee 
rrViBfi 33oy mm a\n^n ^iia ^ "mki .... oat^o loan ?nns 

i s in« nan n^m :nff bttw d^i in'? jtb wa*i «d^:s^ 13*6b 

19 pai a3»y mm avi^n •d.t^« n»8m jroai mfci yyb pno 

20 nwb nna^ T»ys pn nnjn : p«n "atpv ^aa*? a^omi nan as 1 ? 

21 nrwfc nawa wi : ntowsf jwa (ttYwn) wnio aita was msT? ia^« 
x>k -prm na faa n« nnto "a mtyy n«t no "aie ^n i»«ni 

22 prn iaw» ns mmm paa WKip* 1 as mm :?Tty» nans 

23 n« W^i ttvw aiw^ ub mn una waa mya ■o : r n^K» 

24 m^sm i»y i3«^» mm n^tr *a ♦wik ■•KTn ^« ♦n s ) ]jm i a wnMF 
vi. aarn ^>p"in nn:n ly maia n,^i VI. my ina^" «im on n« 

1 lain ^ ina-ip 1 ? «sv ^na xi nam »v6ai ns pinn m ♦o» 
:ntn hian ain p ^wi ma oo^i ^>na ^p3 «ip^i kyi oy^ 

2 -j*? dw innaai in-m»i o^ -ft raenm injnp •■jKten o tbki 

3 • 3-jnn3 im« ■vom ann ns np^i : nNisn "^ w my o • niDtrob 
nt^s ia«n ^h bn3 ny tyi^ ir-nan "-awm •■man innn ns item 

4 133m 3 ! ?n tostm no ♦ttntowi tsw n« nyan ^wsr»i jno na^ioa 
s e^Mfi onir K^sin^ 4 -j 1 ? np 3^n ti 1 ? ]j;^ j?nn»ty»^ lanan ntrn nn»m 

6 nam trfrbn )^a «a« oyan xnbvatn w«a lisi^n s 3 nty«o w 

7 '^38 nnstroo ^«ip io»i 3it3 ^k tj?3 nani :Tyn ,, a«n3 »iV 
1^331 »m3«^ ntyn ^33 ntnii K^m nn« n3 pi snn is ]3 -6 p«i 

9^019 no«M maitD ]jm n»» nayao 11 h 1 ? ^ oaoo m^tyn nty 

io ^nyotr *a « 6 ^t33 mm mnyoty )t« vod 4 ^ nam jo^n^n "]*? yo^i 

333^^ ]wjnn n^a vmi dw« ny3ts6 nana *a • nan waio n s 3i 

1 1 ^n^m p ^yi : ninn^i nWn nisns D'T^n i^o ,, «noB'« «a^ nn^ 
.^dx'?! »a«^ Tmi *]i m»3 s a« nam •ana in«3 s tysa d^^ ]s 7«tki 

12 'itibnn ib tqw\ jn^KE* ana ana^ n« ,, n , Tiim(pa«) ,, 3 yaa s ns rm 
:"I^v» tfwwwi noa i$;m« ^3 "J33 1 ? *]T ^i nnn bm pyn ">« 

13 ano nx^i n 1 ? d^ni rn «•> a^noiion ava«n ^3 ^ ^ jn nn«i 
H vm «ms« it^«3 "]•? ntyj; nn«i :*)«nn omen p ty a^as ynt 
15 no mm J3ipn «^> m^«i an n^*> a^o^ n»V» in« inn3 nm 



1 cf. Gen. 42, 38. 2 Kulh 4, 15. 3 Gen. 15, 10. 

4 The reading of these two words is uncertain; In the MS. it looks 
like ~\bn\ which has no meaning. 

5 cf. Judg. 11, 34. llubk. 3. 17. 7 Job 32, 6. 



IV 

ia«te nbm av6an ^ anjmt? tym o^snn in? s a ^aita 
wsa ty pnna "aia nam IV. : amxa a^xn^ aniaa-6 ^«si iv. 
-70s mini tbn naiB ^aa j;»^ : no«^ mia iaa^> «np s i 'niB 1 ? J 
wsa n« bt6k nnpai : 2 -pa^> by -nay anaia rrm I trtsn *6 3 
fcpn ^ ^a naa "pa nto onua* miaaa wopi »a«wai 
rw n*6»ai «av av ho m^jn wty nap ib>« nnsn man 4 
aiana lopro ^ktd -o tti ^ ^>ai j^sk iiaaa nni« mapi 5 
any rwnn s ai »yt ^ nnsn mnai nnmrn wn av6an msoi 6 
b\-6kh pna^ ana •a^yn ^« "p^jn 4 ion 1 ? ay-6 t?na *6n niraoi 7 
ava pn ^yr k^> s a ♦ saltan nxia n« "j^ nna^ tt ntrya ^>aa 
••pws ^aai *]B>sa "?aa kt a^n^n nsi : 6 mae Txn np™ may s 
ltya bto6 atwn ;a^ atPi»a 3B>n ^>ki ♦n t ?ij; ^lyb nannn b«i 9 
myi ♦ 7 "710a -jyi^ nan«i :T3» natr -py r^ bxi ♦inmava na» 
tb ^ -ipk *pan naa trpai ^ "]b ^aa nnyi :tymn a^pns 10 
ktji ^1 »*pa^ pat i 1 ? ^nna ity« man "j^ «m. oa*n "pya ^aa 
rvrran ^brm btv\ wroxo iatyn as -j^n "«?« *?aa a\-6«n *py *a u 
my s a av^an n«Ta [n«Ta] vmtaa s a •wty nay "ib>k ni^nan 
.tbib pn V. :«Tn ^k s aa p ty »nni n^na ajnan ia^> nwi v. 
"jm ■■aamni win *jk ♦ ntyya ^« oo«n na>« ^a mm ra« ^s * 
1^ towi :*pan n« fcoan 1 ? na^> na^« naa^i n^n 1 s a.s s a «^« it 2 
py 1^ «im • s n ^aniya na» ^ insi ^ ina p«i nn« ^ B>pai "j 1 ? 
bt>« Tyn ^pitya cpa^i -j^i «vin era iraita ns* 1 ! j*jpan B>pa^ 3 
oty 1 ? i 1 ? nvn^ bm^sh into ntys >s^bh 'psan inxnp 1 ? «s^ :psa 4 
ibs^i bi^b*^ nyan I s ? ! ?.sb ,,, i :«in d^hti "]*6» s a nyan yn^ k^i 5 
nn nyn\n •n^aica i 1 ? mm Pin nn.T ^aao »n ]yi ^an« nn« ^ i 1 ? 6 
n« s a« Taoi :manom p^n ^aa ba ^nyT »n loan (!) ^naa p« 7 
nna (!)maa mya noa ntr^ Tyn ^a*na a»v «im s aaB>a vr* ^«aa 
^as^ na^« ^n« Ta^ya m* b$ »jT»a» l'? "ios^ :(l. B^anaas) a^ana^ s 
^ «a^ t^«n nn« ^aia r£m oos^ na^i .tbib "jri :nai»«i 9 
ia« , i : 8 "]ia^ nnotri ]ib > b > ♦■j^on ^ -ib«m jdi^ n ^«i^i ^aita [° 
B?B^n mw nbiy Ti^aa a^atynoa aB>v s aa«i ,! ? «an nnoty nr« *i^ 
mb *]nyw nanp ^a w« ^aa^ yT ^ o^ mm :n«n s aa\s 12 
("?«) s aa ay na^ ^ Ti«np *6n ♦'•aia i 1 ? ibsi :"ja^ no^i n s «"ii 13 
i 1 ? ibsm j-paB> ^b ]ns "lai^ai «no nanoa ^asna a^i\n ^«aa 14 



1 Prov. i,S. 2 Prov. 6, 21,22. 3 cf. Eccles. 12, 1. 4 Jes. 58, 7. 8. 
5 cf. Deut. 28, 12. 6 Prov. 11, 4. 7 Levit. 19, 18. 

8 Jes. 51, 11. 



Ill 

2 mm nnjn : * os^oi nasi onan-n ion TnimiNi tobpo *vn nns 
way moi *noK maiy n "iotn bx\ 2 Tnj>wo wpsi ♦nau^> unai 

3 ia*n *]mim Tnrao unot? «"? ty o J 3 "6 matn bx wnoK m«om 

4 anna mm nnjn * 4 nop union "W« cnan ^aa nawto b&tb 
now nan "pona n ntry n^on nrem •swy ma^ya "wm ♦T^yo 

s ^Kijn na mw wn kwi nya :"no wo znta o ^aa n« nnpb) 
o *yp2 "?pm mnai nrana nyot? *a nan mm^ n^sno oio tin 

7 ^ *ik •mud dv dv no s op Da nnoyai :man no 1 ? nn« nrov 
nswnn flWa "insi ins ^ imo^i i 1 ? una wmx njop *a ♦■j^d^i 

8 n« nan 1 ? iwn wm py nxm tki jmotyaa t^k ^a "^n 

9 mr nmn 16 *a maa ipty nam 5 "joo naia oa«i n^na is map 
-it?K by JiMwnn nWa oamn mn amwi t^o wtdpk "jk 6 »tyoa 

10 ar»i6 mim "jra nan »n^« main nmn on av baai :nn« iaoa (16) 
:nnn« nam "kmo wnmj natsnn n« nam pan by jn? i"? nvnto 

11 16 on 1 ? »dw nV6 a^ neto? n& naym ♦mnya tym nrn smi 
)o npanb auiannai ntana mm ^aab naym »nnn» 16 aw nbas 

12 13 ^"6 nosy ns man 1 ? atrnni t nm« nsnnan «\nn no«n 
na •Ttwub omop naio |bi nbiNts> pao man naw *nin p n«T 

13 awn wtosr ion itwo wi :noxy n« nam nmm ib nmnnn« 

14 now bww m^k o\n^« m?r *jna no«m mm ^as^ jannni ^sm 

15 nya naiyn «in nn« *n»nwo ons^i mna nou^ nonni nnan 
i6*yp ^nstra t^k :nmo tpzmb "?oia »jtwdi ^soi mis nns 

17 nam tai^K nsy ^«i ^a« isj? s d ^j;t s a ♦n^otra ^atrrn 

18 nym nam : nan uisin "ijy« (?^) ^nann n'isoi Tas 1 ? n^sno ^a« 

19 atrioa jmas 1 ? noya ^aa« rnnnoi *vr» ••mon «^ ^a ^aa 1 ? n« 
8^1 tvo^n «^ p« nys dj;i •"•nsa n^ a^pn^o oyi ^naB^ «^ d^^ 

20 tijjt •'a.si jonb naiaa wn «"? ^aaxi •(!)*jnKTa d« s a ^n ••msn 
n«t q «^ immw lai^i dsi »n nnaim ^ (!)n.«nn nns ^« q 

21 8 (mpm nnnK i 1 ? nn 1 ? 1.) :mpn innn«i no«a "pawn on«n mm 
*a non moa psnn «^ ^ 'inpnsa w^xm npwi ms inj; «aai 

22 *p& \t tmnan jm toyn npism ^iTni o-no owa ok 

23 npyx dj? nnpys yotra «\nn nyn io :p« d^v nyi d^ij;o poo 



1 cf. Zech. 7, 9. Ps. 25, 10. 2 cf. Ps. 106, 4 and The additional 
service for New Moon in the Lilurgy. 3 cf. Ps. 77, 8. 4 cf. Deut. 2S, 37. 
5 I. Sam. 1, 6. 6 Ezra 9, 2. 7 Deut. 7, 9. 

9 Liturgy of the Day of Atonement; v. Ezek. 18, 33 and 33, II. 

10 cf. Ps. 113, 2. 



II 

iflwn *\vn ittnn by wnb* man wk roan ty b^b ntyaa nmm 
bm '"j^ law :mmp mn ■«ai»i ^«wj a^an 71 onnio yaa^ *s 
v:ai lntr^i Kin \niB nna^i : 1!? -wk te ^b6i ihik mrh ^an 16 
ksb ^n *lfc?K (!)teai .mn» ^ai mpa moa ^a D"»njn o^m IB^I 
vaa annao win b^ ntwom b^bik ypB vn :man mama 17 
w II. 16 BPin )bbw "?bi ima to atn »n» yean osttnan (!))nniDK il 
maiB to "iok^i nmaa ,-6na mij/B '•aits BPyi • v " 1 an vm pnrw J 
naoy torn a\nto w irnns^BB anraK 1a 1 ? nam "j 1 ? '•aa oaa 
fwioi ann n«n tont^ ^bb tik s a •vaifc ^iat^i »ma»^ 3 
mKBn n»n to -j^i .tea k"?i miyan atjn inbsb •aits b^i : pna 4 

"DPI JiTTjni ^BKB ^BK inKl »liTV3p &Wn KBB1 »Wa to "inBB 5 

nanwi ^bk^? BB^an nK •"nasm 'K^aan bibj> ma nt?K iann ns 
■jnn^ T^on ms s b njrr nan ibk^ vamp iniK ib^ti : x na^ 6 
: 2 *inBina pnno riiyi ♦"jt?aa ^xani mam B^nan map ntf« ty 
yr\p i?z>n nK s nKTB B^iKn ^anK nK vikt nann nan obkm 7 
bk^bb mn nnsai »nwinn nn« aitri ^in mn ^bibi ^aioa 3n»mB 8 
tea k^>i ♦BniK map» \niB «)jn am \ti inWn nisna anaipi 9 
ypn bsK noon ty aatn : aniK naip nnn bbbb> k^> b^bbi it 10 
♦nan itb) vyy pnam bhks vyy by bw im tibs p nam »)an 
•aiai jbvk 1 ? nt?y "wkb n«t te a\nton i^> r\wy iniaa niayabi u 
4376*6 nten ^bib ;na k"? n«t (i^aai) ^>bi timyaa mm nK kt mn 
^B^nn ts^K bvk t*i i^B 1 ? ikb^i :nona ntaa^i btmv* \n^Ka paTi 12 
^npns (n^K) ook^ vVy D^bfi o^ia vm ^noyan nswi wwi niVai 
:?5ion an 1 ? ^ib^ki a^nan nK napKi ^npns obk 1 ? na nntsa "wk 
oa nam ' 6, a nayn ^npTn s aiK *jm "jt b:bk obk^i s bib ana iyn 13 
: 8 ant^ mm ^bbitb ^b ^b ^na 1 ? nnc^ai nan«a bapa aion oai ynn 
«n B\nbK i 1 ? )mi ««)^m k"?i tb 11 k^> no^t? iniiBK "ib>k ba s b h 
♦natyna hbk^b ^b m^v 1 ? a 1 ? n»an in^K \nm }«an nbyn 15 
tjw n"?ap bv (!)^»aa mm :«tt n^yoa n^K ba^am a^an 1 ? B>j;m 16 
j?b^i tmaa nyai ^m tjnwn j man Vk mK^am ma»a nnK B^ty 17 
•vtya^ iniK avn a»n ^n« na^aa }s nKTn^ iok^i Tjwn 'pip ^bib 
dk OBKm ]yni n: 1 ? nnp^i lawaa ir^n 1 ? tela k"?i ia\n^K iais p 'o 18 
B^B\n te nBBB»B na ?nKtn nnsn te inKip yno •'pana nn« pns 
n'pKn nisKan ^bib vb^b \mi III. : ma yp *o iy rwp m« nan^ 111. 
P^ts mm obk^i ♦myo'ia Vtemi Tpn b» »ras at^i 1a 1 ? naty^i na*n x 



1 Amos 8, 10. 2 j b 2, 9. 3 Job 33, 6. 4 Job I, 22. 

5 cf. Job 33, 9. 6 Gen. 30, 33. 7 Job 2, 10. 8 c f. Nehem. 9, 13. 



HISTORY OF TOBIT. 

(BRIT. MUSEUM ADD. 11.639 f- 736 — 753-) 
A. 

i. teTiaa p bmy p teaan p teoia p oia nai :iT31B I. 

1 ity« x PBtpn ko» rn nn« jbtb ty raa ^risa nnaty&a 

2 -jte -iDKaote w napai nten oitsi tno» nat? -rym (!)tewa 
ptea p'rn jm nip 1 tok tei »ps *6 n»« 7m obo mjn »wh 
(pn-niDi.) ina ^na jna 161 MMsa n&» te*? nay mm .d^oem vn*6 

3 to antn ,! ?aj; najn iym oneiK ty ^man natsoi *» routes 
mm noa DMat row -j^n mn 01& Brwn .tan: p dj;^^ nt?y 

4 nai»Ka wirwym in»nN noa tei : bmtr vfovk n& tesna mm 
Da titytin nat? nwpten naco ton ^ mm ma ko» mn 

5 laatya nty« npM 01& ^-ia o mm 'jvtobi mm oti nat? miyao 

6 n« ^aia "ptt>M jmaiifl let? n« «"ipm »p -6m nnm .nan nean 
tea n»na*M omyao iok oro f?M ♦mm on vnote vVy oV 

7 te ny n^nan tjm (!)maaa nw« p« te lam maw sin «ai n))y 
xb na'? oi& p*i «DMan na«»a D^«ano d^o mm ^teisa nao 

s ^ D^ni^ -ion 1 ? uvite inami oa^ tea mm ns najn :*teann 

tea tain mtyy t ? wi .pom -ia»« tea inVwi ♦•jten no«i»te 

9 tewto maa*n mN-6 nnxaan teai onyn tea "jtemi :noten 

10 jna to 'ma pn no mm »n»a «a na>Ka mm jsnaite anYrtn 
• »*]DDn n« npsM onaoo aon mmm »")dnm »*pa naa ^k "jten 1 1 ? 

11 nw mm j^qa^ pat mv6 m« jmi «dhv vmi i*om ^«oa Ta 
»aa^ y*m .vnnn laa annao "jiteM *ymnn "jte ns«a»te n»M non 

" )mi :oni« onaM ioj; ^aab jmai \xtn ntao rrn oibi tbvcHP 

'" noyn ^ote mn o^ny »rr avn itrN *m nnsi ins te^ an^ 

14 p«» annao awa mm j -imp. mn o^ann n^noi ♦vot^o mn 



« Deut. 11, 30. 2 Zech. 7, II. 3 cf. Ps. l8, 24. 4 cf. Dan. 1,8. 
5 cf. Ezra 9, 12. Jer. 28, 4. 



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VOL. XIX. TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION. 

Fourth Meeting, April 6th, 1 897. 

a:^> 

CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

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Chapters CXXXIII to CXXXV 125-131 

Theophilus G. Pinches. — Two Archaic and Three later Baby- 
lonian Tablets. (2 Plates') 132-143 

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TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION, 1897. 



Fourth Meeting, 6th April, 1 897. 
Rev. JAMES MARSHALL, M.A., 

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From Prof. Maspero : — M. de Rochemonteix. GLuvres. Le 
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124 



April 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



BOOK OF THE DEAD. 
By Sir P. le Page Renouf. 



CHAPTER CXXXIII. 

Book whereby the Deceased acqicireth Might (1) in the Netherworld in 
presence of the great Cycle of the gods. [Said on the first day of 
the Month]. (2) 

Ra maketh his appearance at the Mount of Glory, with the 
Cycle of gods about him : the Strong one issueth from his hidden 
abode. 

The Twinklers (3) fall away from the Mount of Glory at the 
East of Heaven, at the voice of Nut as she buildeth up the paths of 
Ra, before the Ancient one who goeth round. 

Be thou lift up, O Ra. who art in thine shrine ; breathe thou the 
breezes, inhale the north wind .... (4) on the day when 
thou discernest the Land of Maat. 

Thou dividest them that follow ; the Bark advanceth and the 
Ancient ones step onwards at thy voice. 

Reckon thou thy bones, and set thy limbs, and turn thy face 
towards the beautiful Amenta. 

For thou art the golden Form, (5) with a couch of the heavenly 
orbs, with the Twinklers amongst whom thou goest round, and art 
renewed daily. 

Acclamation cometh from the Mount of Glory, and greeting 
from the lines of measurement. (6) 

The gods who are in heaven, they see the Osiris IV, they present 
to him their adorations as to Ra. 

He is the Great one, who seeketh the Crown and reckoneth up 
that which is needful. 

He is the One, who cometh forth this day from the primeval 
womb of them who were before Ra, and his coming forth taketh 

125 l 2 



April 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

place upon earth and in the Netherworld. His coming forth is like 
Ra daily. 

Without haste, but unresting, is the Osiris N on this Land of 
Eternity. 

Twice blessed is he that seeth with his eyes and heareth with 
his ears. 

Right, right is the Osiris A': and his future, his future, (7) is in 
Annu. 

His oars are lifted as in the service of Nu. 

The Osiris N hath not told what he hath seen ; he hath not 
repeated what he hath heard in the house of the god who hideth 
his face. 

There are hailing and cries of welcome to the Osiris N, the 
divine body of Ra, on traversing the Nu, and whilst the ka of the 
god is being propitiated, according to his pleasure. 

The Osiris N is the Hawk, rich in variety of Forms. 

The Deceased acquireth might with Ra, and is enabled to 
possess power among the gods, for the gods are made to regard him 
as one of themselves, and when the Dead ones see him they fall 
upon their faces. He is seen in the Netherworld even as the beams 
of Ra. 

Said over a Boat of four cubits in length, painted green. And let 
a starry sky be made, dean and purified with natron and incense. 
And see thou make an image of Ra upon a tablet of light green colour 
at the proiv of the Boat. And see thou make an image of the Deceased 
whom thou lovest, that he may be made strong in this boat, and that 
his voyage be made in the Bark of Ra, and that Ra himself may look 
upon him. Do not do this for any one except for thine own self, thy 
father and thy son. And let them be exceedingly cautious for them- 
selves. The Deceased acquireth might with Ra, and made to possess 
power among the gods, who regard him as one of themselves, and when 
men or the Dead see him they fall upon their faces. He is seen in the 
Nethenvorld as the image of Ra. (8) 

Notes. 

The earliest known text of this chapter is that of the Tomb of 
Amenemhait at Thebes (7a), of the time of Thothmes III. It is 
almost as inaccurate as that of Nebseni (Aa), or the Brockelhurst 
Ax. Nor is the text of Ani of any use towards clearing up any of 
the difficulties. 

126 






April 6] PROCEEDINGS. (1897. 

1. Acquireth Might. (| <rr> does not signify wise, nor has it 

anything to do with instructio?i or perfection, as supposed by other 
translators. As an adjective it is used to qualify not only animate 
but inanimate things, such as an egg, beer, and incense. The well- 
known expressions <rr> (J <cr> and (J <cr> exactly correspond to 

the Hebrew INft "T^ and "TNft "TNft- The notion implied, as in 
the Hebiew TIN, is that of strength. 

— H — n a 

I N& ^J <= ^r > '> m tne P f i sse Papyrus, is not a wise man, but a 
powerful one, a man of rank or inflttence, bwafievos, cwaTos. 

This is the meaning of the word in such passages as (I v_^> 

If *;,-. (Rouge, Inscr. hier., 80) (I ^"^ y ^^. (Inscr. of 

Una, repeatedly) I ^ ^ ^ # O _ P <=> "^ $ ^ 
(i^/. Prisse 17, 1). These expressions are the exact equivalents of 
the Greek Buixl/iepo's irapa Tit jiaai\?ji, Herodot. 7, 5. 

The might acquired by the deceased is stated in the final rubric 
and in all the titles of the chapter in the later recensions to be 

ww O pjf , with reference to Ra. 



I I 

2. Said on the first day of the Month. These words first appear 

on the Papyrus of Ani. 

3. The Twinklers. The oldest texts in this place have I ""^ 

"^gss^ , though the equivalent and corresponding word a little 

further on is v\ v^^"^' wn i c ^ 1S t ' ie usual reading 

here in the later recensions. The same meaning may be made out 
of both groups. The stars are manifestly alluded to, as being made 
to disappear when the Sun makes his appearance. •^—^H) > or in 

reduplicated form "^ ^) O , is the pupil of the eye ; I •^--^l) is 

to ogle, far Vocchiata. ( |\ v\ ^-^ ^^ on the other hand 

signifies the little tremblers, " tremulo fulgore micantes." The glance 

of the eye is lc <p v\ ^\^s5-.* The stars are here considered 

as so many eyes, characterised by their tremulous motion. 

* The Egyptian word signifying tremble is written either with c±f> or with O. 

127 



April 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

4. The true text is here quite lost. Some sense might be 
restored, if we might read A J 1 Q A instead of JmI y| The 

latter word is absolute nonsense in this place, whatever determinative 
it may have, but the former is the well known name of a tree held 
sacred at various places in Egypt. The whole passage then might 
mean " Enjoy the north wind, and may the Kabasu trees of thine 
abode refresh thee." 

5. The golden Form. The whole of this passage will become 
clear after reading the final rubric and examining the Vignettes of 
the chapter. 



AVWVN 



6. Line of measurement, o ^ 8 . An explanation of this 

will be found in the pictures and text of the Book of Hades. In 
Bonomi's Sarcph., Plates VII and VIb, twelve personages are repre 
sented in the act of acclamation, and twelve others carry the line 

/J\ <zr> ^o i O ^K $ Q . The use intended for the line is stated 

in the text. " The bearers of the line are those who settle the fields 

of the Chu, [l^?*^"" "Igv o fi «^^ 1." They are called 

upon to take their line and to fix the ^ (In <£\ P Q , ceeiO,p,I, 



upovpa, the arable land of each allotment. Ra expresses his satis- 
faction at the measurement, and tells the gods and the Chu that 
their domains are theirs, and that he provides their food. 

8. The rubric is taken from Ax. 



CHAPTER CXXXIV. 

Chapter whereby the Deceased acquireth might. 

Hail to thee who art in the midst of thine Ark, Oh rising Sun 
who risest, and declining (1) one who declinest : at whose will millions 
spring forth, as he turneth his face to the unborn generations of 
men : Chepera in the middle of his Bark, who overthroweth Apepi. 

Here are the children of Seb who overthrow the adversaries of 
Osiris and destroy them from the Bark of Ra. 

Horus cutteth off their heads in heaven when in the forms of 

128 



April 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

winged fowl, their hinder parts on earth when in the forms of quad- 
rupeds or [in the water] as fishes. 

All fiends, male or female, the Osiris N destroyeth them, 
whether descending from heaven or coming forth upon the earth, or 
issuing out of the water or travelling along with the Stars. 

Thoth slaughtereth them, the Son of the Rock, proceeding from 
the place of the Two Rocks. (2) 

The Osiris N is dumb and deaf (3) for the Strong one is Ra, the 
puissant of stroke, the Almighty one, who washeth in their blood 
and walloweth in their gore. 

The Osiris N destroyeth them from the Bark of his father Ra. 

The Osiris N is Horus : his mother Isis bringeth him forth, and 
Nephthys nurseth him, as they did to Horus, who repelleth the dark 
ones of Sutu : who, when they see the Crown fixed upon his brow, 
fall upon their faces. 

Osiris Unneferu is triumphant over his adversaries in heaven and 
on earth, and in the cycle of each god and goddess. 

Said over a Hawk in a Boat, with the White Crown upon its 
head, and the figure of Tmu, Shu, Tefnut, Seb, Nut, Osiris, Isis, 
Sutu, (4) Nephthys, painted yellowish green on a fresh papyrus placed 
in this Boat, together with the figure of the Deceased, anointed with 
the Heknu oil. Let there be offered to them incense burning and roast 
fowl. It is the adoration of Ra, and his voyage, for it is granted to 
him to make his appearance each day with Ra, whithersoever he 
journeyeth ; and it is the Slaughter of the adversaries of Ra ; 
positively and undeviatingly for times infinite. 

Notes. 

1. Declining — m — m . This word frequently occurs in contrast 
with ^c\ J Q . I understand the latter in all such cases to 

signify the shining of the sun on his rising, and the former to signify 
the shining of the sun in his afternoon course. 

2. The son of the Rock, proceeding from the place of the Two 
Rocks. The only explanation I can think of is derived from the 

identification (in chapter 62) of Thoth with the Nile, >^ fi a ~J] . 

From this point of view the god is both the son of the Rock and 

129 



APRIL 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

Pv AAAAAA £^ v V 

issues from the place of the Double Rock, (I 1 1 , or of the 

1 < ~ ; 5* o o 

two Rocks, called in the time of Herodotus Krophi and Mophi. 

3. Dumb and deaf, QAlJ J) ■ It 1S strange that this 

meaning of the passage has so long been misunderstood. The 
sense of the first word has long been recognised, and 'deaf is the 

meaning rightly assigned to (I * in Birch's Dictionary. One 

instance like the following (from Unas, 608) is sufficient to settle 

the question- _JU J^ ^ ^ |\^ [1 ^ ^ J^ J — » 

" He is not so deaf that he should not hear thy voice." 

That the subject of these attributes is the Osiris is seen by 
reference to At, where instead of ' the Osiris ' the deceased speaks 

in the first person, QA \& a v& , "I am dumb, I am 

deaf." 

4. Sutu. This divine name occurs in the text of Amenhait in 
the reign of Thothmes III. And I have noted another instance 

where the name is written ^ I JN . Dr. Birch called the papyrus 

Miss Brockelhurst's. It cannot however be the Ax of M. Naville, 
which does not contain the chapter. 

The disappearance of the god's name from all other documents 
is a fatal argument against their claims to high antiquity. 



CHAPTER CXXXV. 

Aiiother chapter recited when the Moon rene7c>s itself on the first 
day of the month. 

Osiris is enveloped in storm and rain : he is enveloped : but 
the fair Horus lendeth succour daily, the Lord of high attributes 
. . . (1) he driveth off the storm from the face of the Osiris N. 

Behold him coming : he is Ra on his journey : he is the four 
gods who are over the upper region. 

The Osiris A^arriveth at his own time: and by means of his 
lines is brought to the light of day. 

Ij this chapter be known he becomcth a Chu of Might in the 

130 



Apkil 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Netherworld ; he dieth not a second time, in the Netherworld ; but he 
eateth by the side of Osiris. 

If it be known upon earth he will become like Thoth, so as to be 
worshipped by the living : he zvill not fall a victim to a king's wrath (2) 
or to the fierce heat of Basit, but will be made to advance to a most 
blissful old age. 

Notes. 

This chapter is not found in the papyri of the older period. 

1. The words \\~w^ £=> ™~^ V\ ° Offerings of (or to) the 

Moment have the appearance of an interpolated rubrical direction. 
See next note. 



2. A king's wrath < £\ " . V\ ^ in the cases of 

_M& O o t ww\a I™ O 

gods and men is an impulse which cannot be stopped, but carries 
everything before it. 



April 6] 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILKOLOGY. 



[1897. 



TWO ARCHAIC AND THREE LATER BABYLONIAN 

TABLETS. 

By Theophilus G. Pinches. 

Having received permission from the owner, Mr. A. B. Ebbs, 
to publish some Babylonian tablets in his possession, I give them 
herewith, accompanied by translations or descriptions, hoping that 
they may be acceptable to scholars, and help to fill gaps or illustrate 
obscure passages, notwithstanding that one of them is itself not by 
any means clear, and another a mere fragment. 

No. 1. 

The first, which is of unbaked clay, is about ii in. square, 
slightly higher, however, on the right-hand side than on the left, 
The lower part of the reverse and the edge are broken, rendering 
the twelfth and following lines, containing the date, incomplete. 
The tablet is difficult to read, cylinder-seals having been rolled 
over the surface, flattening down the characters. The text is 
as follows : — 



Transcription. 

Baru sikli kaspi 

a-na D.P. esidi 
3. itti I-na-E-sag-ila-zeru, re'u, 



Translation. 

^ shekel of silver 
for the reaper 
from Ina-Esagila-zeru, the 
shepherd 
mar Arad-i-li-su son of Arad-ili-su 

y Ba-Si-ilu mar Sin-i-din-nam BaSi-tlu, son of Sin-idinnam 



ilkl 

Ina umi eburi 
D.P. csidu i-il-la-ak 
U-ul i-il-la-ak-ma 
ki-ma si-im-da-at sar-ri 



has taken. 

At harvest-time 
the reaper shall come 
If lie do not come {it shall lie) 
like a decree of the king. 



132 



Proc. SocBibl Arrh April 1897. 



No. 1. 



Obv. 

S.FT-HAND EDCfc. 



:%~^tt 



£ft 



TKf^i^m>ir 



Edge. X| 

R lv. ^<#(^££ff ^ ^¥f 








^WI5& 



Tlf 



Tablet Belonging to A.B Ebbs, Esq. 



April 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Mahar Arad- D.P. Ul-mas-si- Before Arad-Uhnassitu m , son 
tu m mar Ib-ku-An-nu-ni-tu m ; of Ibku-Annunitu m 
12. Mahar [Ta]-ri-bu mar Gab-ba-a. Before Taribu son of G abb a. 

Kunuk Ta-ri-bu Seal of 'Taribu. 

umu salaseru i$t/i day, 

[year] [the king] 

. . . di-di dim (?)-a 

Free Rendering. 

" Basi-ilu, son of Sin-idinna m , has received from Ina-^sagila-zeru, 
the shepherd, son of Arad-ili-su, half a shekel of silver for the reaper 

"The reaper shall come at harvest-time — if he do not come, 
there will be a penalty." 

Line 2. The word "reaper" is written ideographically, ^ ^ 
■JgJ f\, "grain-cutter," with ^ as determinative prefix instead of 
££>, which, later, is exclusively used. The question naturally 
arises whether ^ may not have indicated, in these texts, that the 
noun following referred more to a slave than to a free man. In the 
tablet recording the sale of "fair Gutian slaves" (Meissner, Alt- 
babylonisches Privatrecht, no. 4), the seller, ^^ tT| ^»-|^y, 
Utul-Istar, is called ]} £^ ^ f^(, a-bi ummanati, "father (? = owner) 
of the men," or, perhaps, simply "slave-owner." 

Line 6. The word ilki, " he has taken," is expressed by the 
Akkadian §u-ba-an-Ti, as is commonly the case. 

Line 7. Here, also, an Akkadian expression, u-ebur (?)-ku, 
is used for via nmi ebnri. W.A.I., II, 14, 17a has u-ebur-ka. 
The third character, *rt|, he, is doubtful, the traces being more 
like those of Jpf , ki. 

Lines 8, 9. I-il-la-ak. U-id i-il-la-ak-ma, " He shall come. 

If he do not come." Aldku, Heb. "^H, means "to come," as 
well as " to go." This phrase occurs on the tablet V. A.Th. 630 in 
the Berlin Museum (Meissner, Privatrecht, no. 22 ; Peiser, Texte 
juristischen and geschaftlichen Inhalts, 38, I), and elsewhere. 

Line 10. The full phrase should probably be kinia simdat sarri 
izzaz, "it shall stand, like a decree (?) of the king" (cf Bu. 88-5-12, 
234, Meissner, no. 3). Both Meissner and Peiser translate simdat 
by " yoke " (Gespann) — the usual meaning — but this does not quite 

133 



April 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. I1897. 

satisfy the context, so I have rendered this phrase in accordance 
with pi. I. attached to the late George Bertin's paper, "Akkadian 
Precepts," etc., in the Transactions of this Society, Vol. VIII, where 
we find simit\ta'i sahuzi/7] and dinu Su\fiu\ zu (?), "to cause (any- 
one) to receive judgment," translating the same Akkadian group 
KM^ IeIJ *"^T> sa -dib& a (lines 27, 28). I take the most probable 
meaning to be, "The penalty shall be as if he had contravened a 
decree of the king," i.e., the slave promised should be entirely at 
the royal disposition. This seems to be proved by the tablet B. 57 
(Strassmaier, Warka, no. 30), where Ilu-bani, the adopted son of 
Sin-magir, claims his adoptive father's plantation as his inheritance, 
ana simdat sarri* "at the decree of the king," it having been 
promised to him by Rim-Sin, probably the immediate predecessor 
of Hammurabi (in whose reign the tablet is dated). Ilu-bani 
successfully contests, in this document, the claim of Sin-mubalit,t 
who had brought an action to get possession of the plantation. 

Line 11. Arad-Ulmassili/'" apparently means "Servant of the 
Ulmassite goddess," or " of her who is worshipped in the temple 
E-ulmas." This temple, whose name has hitherto been transcribed 
E-ulbar, was situated in Agade, as the following extract shows : — 



E - ul - mas 

E - id mas 



Bitu selasa. - tisu sa A - ga - [de D.S.] 
Temple 39, of Agade. 

[W.A.I., II, 61, 11 add.] 

The goddess Ulmassitu 111 was probably Istar, who was wor- 
shipped at Agade. There was also an E-ulmas at Erech, which 
was called E-ulbarra=.l>it piristi, "the house of the oracle." W.A.I., 
IV, 36, 24/; (38, 25^), which is a geographical list, mentions a place 
called (£.]£ >f- ^ffcf, Ulmas (D.S.), the name of which immediately 
precedes that of Agade. Whether the city was so named from the 
temple, or the temple (and the goddess) from the city, is doubtful. 

The seal-impressions (of which little or nothing can be made 
out) are of Basi-ilu, the seller, and Arad-Ulmassitu m and Taribu, 
the two witnesses. That of Basi-ilu {Kunuk Ba-si-llu) is on the left- 
hand edge, at the top ; and that of Arad-Ulmassitu m {Kunuk Arad- 
(D.P.) Ul-mas-si-tu'") beneath it. 

* Not shiidattus, as the publication gives. 

t It is curious that Sin-uuihalit is the name of the immediate predecessor of 
Hammurabi, according to the canon, but this is a coincidence, and nothing more. 

'3 + 



Proc SocBLbl Ardi. April 1897 



No. 2. 






Rev. * 









C5&O.C- impression on the Surface 2# Edges. 



■*£«*3[ 


] 


*w 


«D 


^^ssrtFtfwwFJ 


^M ^<mffi Wf ^>] 



Tablet Belonging to A. B. Ebbs, Esq. 



April 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

It will be noticed that the services of the reaper were paid for 
beforehand, and it is apparently on this account that a penalty was 
attached to the non-fulfilment of the contract. The " fair Gutian 
slaves " were also paid for in advance, but in this case their value 
had to be returned if the contract were not carried out. 



No. 2. 

The second tablet, which is also unbaked, is iy, r in. square, and 
practically perfect. Like the first, the text is very difficult to read, 
in consequence of the cylinder-seal which has been rolled over the 
whole surface. The text is as follows : — 

Transcription. Translation. 

Esten kas-bak-ka sa ellu m 1 plot (J) of garden-ground Q) 

a-na D.P. Mas-tab-ba for the deity Mastabba 

3. sa i-na mu-uh-hi ekli samas- which unto the sesame-field 
same 

sa nari A-ga-ri-in-nu of the river Agarinnu 

in-na-ad-nu. has been added. 

6. Mu-kin Witness: 

f Amel-Mer-ra D.P. rikku Amel- Mera, the planter (?) 



Arah Ululi, umu hamsu Month Elul, day 5/// 

sattu Am-mi-za-du-ga sar-e year Ammi-zaduga the king 



gal-la-ni was (?) 



Free Rendering. 

"(This refers to) one plot (?) of garden-ground (?), which has 
been added to the sesame-field of the river Agarinnu, for the deity 
Mastabba. Witness : Amel-Mera, the planter. 

" Month Elul, day 5th, year when Ammi-zaduga, the king, was 



The first line of this text is of considerable difficulty, and the 
rendering here given, though one that seems to be required by the 
context, is therefore very doubtful. The first word after the numeral 
If (^ -f<f £=y, bi-hu-ka, or, better, bi-bak-ka or kas-bak-ka) seems not 
to occur elsewhere. The last character but one is doubtful — it may 

*35 



APRIL 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1897. 

be really two characters, ^ *$[, l>i-si ; but in view of the group 
^> ^^H in hne 7, the reading I have adopted, ^^|f ZZ, 
RIG-BI, is probably the best. This group is explained in W.A.I. , 
A'. 52, 52^ by the Semitic Babylonian ellu m , and with ^f^, zi, 
or ^y-^6 ^ffj si-da, etc., added, means, according to Delitzsch, 
"an enclosure," hence my conjectural rendering of "garden- 
ground." As, however, ^J^yy forms part of certain words which 
are names of trees, C^^fy ^ mav be one of these, but in this 
case the prefix for " wood," fcf, would be expected. 

Line 2. »->f- >f- £z ^jf, D.P. Mastabba. This is the original 
Akkadian transcription of the name of a deity apparently meaning 
" the double god," and the word forms part of the groups used for 
the great and the little Twins (MaStabba-galgala and Mastabba- 
turturd), names of two Babylonian constellations, or portions of 
constellations. The Semitic transcription of Mastabba is ilu kilallan, 
" the double god " (W.A.I., III, pi. 68, 68/>), whose component 
persons seem to have borne the names of Birdu and Sarrapn, and 
whose " messenger " was named >->f- t^£, Har. See my note upon 
these in the Babylonian and Oriental Record for Feb., 1887, p. 55. 

Line 3. The use of the character ^y^y<y for ;/// is common at 
the period of this tablet. 

Line 4. The river Agarinnu was probably one of the numerous 
canals with which the country was covered. It is apparently from 
the Akkadian agarin, "mother," and the river, or canal, was probably 
so called as the nourisher of the land. 

Line 5. The verbal form innadnu (for innaiinu) is aor. niphal, — 
a form which does not occur in the dictionary. The form without 
the final u (innadin) occurs in Sp., II, 28, 1. 8, etc. 

Line 7. Besides Amel-Merra, the forms Lu-Murra (Akk.), and 
Anicl-Rammani, or Amel-Addi (Semitic Babylonian), are also possible. 
For the value mur, see W.A.I., III, 68, 51^, and for i/ier, see the 
Transactions of this Society for 1880 (Vol. VII), pp. 114, 115; 
Proceedings for Feb. 6, 1883, p. 73; and Transactions, Vol. VIII, 
p. 352 (Tukulti-Mer). As one r may be written instead of two, the 
best transcription is probably that given in the translation, namely, 
Amel-Mera. This man was probably the gardener, or guardian, of 
the place referred to on the tablet, his title being ^fc= ^^*-yy, 
probably to be read D.P. rikku, he who looks after the green stuff. 

The brevity of the text leaves room for considerable speculation 
as to what it really refers to, but it may be conjectured that it 

136 



April 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

records the gift, by an anonymous donor, of a plot of ground, to the 
temple of the deity Mastabba, for the services of the twofold god, 
and the use of the priests, who were, naturally, materially enriched 
thereby. From the nature of the inscription it may be conjectured 
that the expression ina muhhi nadanu, lit., "in over to give," or 
" unto to give," is an idiom meaning " to add to " a thing, and this 
is the rendering adopted here. The portion added must have 
adjoined the " sesame-field of the Agarinnu river," belonging to the 
deity Mastabba, referred to in the text. 

As has been already stated, the name of the giver does not 
occur in the text, but it may be conjectured that it is his seal of 
which traces are to be found rolled over the surface of the tablet. 
The inscription on this, as far as it is readable, is as follows : — 



D.P. Marduk Marduk 

dup - sar the scribe, 

mar D.P. Marduk-mu-sa[-lim]. son of Marduk-musalim. 

arad Am-mi-[za-du-ga] servant of Ammi-zaduga. 

Like many other seals of the same nature, it probably bears testi- 
mony to the deification of the king during his lifetime, traces of the 
figure of a divine attendant in an attitude of adoration before the 
name of Ammi-zaduga being also visible. 



No. 3. 

The following text belongs to the late period, probably, judging 
from the traces in line 15, of the time of Artaxerxes. It is of 
unbaked clay, and is very mutilated. The height is if in. and the 
width nearly 2 in. 

Obverse. 

3. g£ V ! Hf- <MfT >^ - 2« Y r m 

t ' — *~*\ -St 

l 37 



April 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.LOLOCY. [1897. 



Reverse. 









Transcriptiox. 

hurasi (?) bab-ba-ni-tu m 

makkur Bel ina muhhi Bel-ahu-su 
3. maru sa Nergal-iddina ina arah Nisanni 

sattu irbittu bil-tu ni -am 

ribut ina-an-din e-lat (?) 

6. ri-su-u 

ina pan Bel (?) sa 

u abu (?) 

9. D.P. Mu-kin-nu I). P. Marduk .... 

ma.ru sa Ahu-u-nu Nabu (?) .... 

maru sa Ana-Bel-balatu (?) . . . . 

12. Nabu-na-sir (?)- . . . rittu (?) maru sa 

sir 

Tebetu, umu esru-hamsu (?). 

15 tak (?)-sa (?)-as (?)-su (?) 

fn&tati 

* Seems to be erased. t Or v£~^. 

t Or irbit. 

i3» 



April 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Translation. 

consecrated (?) gold (?) 

the property of the god Bel unto Bel-usur-su 
3. son of Nergal-iddina. I?i the month Nisan, 

year 4th, by talents (?) 

a fourth* he shall give, besides (?) 
6. the possession ' 

(which is) with Bel-sa 

and [his ?] father (?) 

g. Witnesses: Marduk- 

son of Ahiinu ; JVabu (?)- . . . 

son of Ana-BH-balatu (?). 

12. Nabit-nasir(})- . . . , scribe, son of 

-sir. 

[Month] Tebet, day 10th, 

15. [year] . . . , [Ar]taxerxes (?) 

[king of Babylon, king of] countries. 

The mutilation of the tablet renders the translation exceedingly 
uncertain, and it is impossible, therefore, to discuss satisfactorily 
the unusual words that the text contains. It need only be noted 
that the presence of J^tf J^Jjj ]} *~HK biltu m -am, in line 4, 
suggests that the word £^£f »^M> biltu m , may have been present 
in line 1 — ". . . talents of . . . ." If this restoration be correct, 
the reading of the first word of which traces remain as hurasu, 
I gold," is still more doubtful than is here indicated. 



No. 4. 

This is a tablet of unbaked clay, of late date, 3^ in. high by 2| in. 
wide. It contains a list of amounts paid. 

Obverse 

* Or "four." 

139 M 



April 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

t s=< i ■^yty ^ ^i I* ¥ r ■£jn 4 ^y 
9. r ^< r or ar ~f 1 ^ ^t 

t sk y ■sm ^ jsl nyy ^ &■ ^ 

i2. y ^< y .4 4 ^yyy 
liiiiiT^y^^iy^y^yyy 

Reverse. 

igpy hi ^ rc ^ Bf- *£- 
is-I^thf- 4 -¥ 4^yyy 

y ^< y ^}ii zty^Mi sl< 

y ££< y ^ ^ »sl ^yy 
is. y ^< r -iMw ^ jgL ^ ^ ^y + -y 

TSKT 41 I V- 

y ^< y ^yy? hf- <-yy y? y ^y <» ^tr 
? s= y 4 4- y n <j- ■sro <y ^yy T hp- < 

24. yp< T ^T a* &L I 



'$&&?K J Y /a >->-»Y 

27- 1 |§^y ^y ^y- jgc 

^L 

140 



April 6] 



PROCEEDINGS. 



1897. 



Translation. 



. . -Merodach) the . . . 
Balatu 

\Li\sir, sou of A-*-su (?) 
\Li~\sir, son of Na-* 
. Nergal-iddina 
6. 60 ka Nabu-ahc-isallini 
60 ka Nabu-ctir-napsdti 
60 ka JVabil-zer-ukin, son of Bei-ubaii it 
9. 60 ka Eriba-Marduk, the builder 
60 ka Renmt-BH 
60 ka Bci-ahe-eriba, the gal-du 
12. 60 ka JVadin, do. 

. . . Lisir, do. 

Rev. . . . Ibna, the gal-du 

15. [60 ka] Samas-etir, do. 

60 ka Bcl-iktsa, the fisherman 
60 ka Bcl-ahe-eriba 
18. 60 ka JVab/7-ahe-iddina, the linen-weaver 
60 ka Bel-sunu 
60 ka the field-labourer\s\ 
21. 60 ka Samas-pir 'a-iisur 

60 ka Musczib-Nergal (?), son of Silli {?)-Bei 
90 ka Bir'u, Silim-Bi'l, and Musczib-Addu 
24. [60 ka\ Arad-ahc-su 

.... Samas-ibni, San/as-zer-ibu/, 
and Zerux 

27 palace-servants. 

.... carpenters (?) 
.y 



As it is apparently stated, in the last three lines, that it is a list 
of palace-servants and others, it may be supposed that the amounts 
placed before their names were paid to, not by, these people. 

The text is important for the word £^= *^~- »»fS-, read by 
Delitzsch rab-bdnc, and translated " architect " (Baumeister). It is 
difficult, however, to imagine any palace-staff as containing only one 
working-builder (1. 9) and no less than five architects (11. 11-15). 
I have always regarded the ^= *£}— ^^-, Galdu, as a class of 

141 m 2 



April 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGV. [1897. 

priests, and this conjecture is supported by S. + , 334, where 
^ "B- ^. y v-Jf- ^^p -yy^, Galdu sa Sarrat, " the Galdu 
of the goddess Sarrat " is spoken of, though against this has to be 
set A.H., 83-1-18, 245, which refers to "iron trowels for brick- 
laying" {ana liben sa libnati), given by Nadin the galdu ([^=J 

No. 5. 

Central right-hand upper portion of a large tablet of late date. 
Size 2% in. by 2\ in. Unbaked clay. The reverse is uninscribed. 
This fragment represents about one-fifth of the whole. 

wmim ■* ir ^ t <mm *>& v ^m 

3 . irr ^y kj:i <k ~«i n ^ **> saw ? ~|§ 

1 6. 1 v T •£!*! ■* <h±j r hqli *■ *** *kH| 

1(6 7HB1* 53T ~ ^§i 






9 . |[ ? 53- Hff * an ^y ^~ y %} Tj|f|j| 

fas est 4fi <T>mii4 illli 

W8k.S& m H * ^ ^1 ¥J*?illl 

I2 - ^^^^^^^§«$^^W^^^^^^^^^ 

The above text is only of value in that it may contain pait of 
an inscription to which other tablets may refer, or of which the 
remainder, or a duplicate, may possibly come to light. It is dated 
in the 2nd year of Artaxerxes (1. 1), and refers to a certain congrega- 

* Or 5:$. 
142 



April 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

tion, or assembly (1. 3). Three persons are mentioned : . . -nu, 
Nabfl-iddina, and Bel-sunu, the shepherd (1. 6), and in the next 
line (1. 7) the city of the temple of the "alone-great-one"* (al Bet 
Usum-gallu, *~^] £^| *^f— H^T*"*) * s spoken of. The doubtful 
character before Jp| in lines 2 and 8 seems to be ig fez , &is, and, 
if so, the city Kes, now represented by the mounds of Hymer, near 
Babylon, is referred to. The words isaalu iktabi-ma, " he asked, he 
answered and " (1. 8), imply that the text referred to some ceremony, 
"legal or otherwise, in which answers to certain questions were 
required before the people assembled. The meaning of samarri 
(or Sa marri) sindu' in lines 5 and 9 is uncertain. The text is in a 
very bad condition, and many of the characters are doubtful. 

* A title applied to " the queen of heaven and earth," and to Merodach. 




'43 



April 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGV. [1897. 



The Society is indebted to Mr. Walter L. Nash, F.S.A., 
and the President for the two following notes, which may 
be taken in continuation of those printed with illustrations in 
Volumes VI and VII of the Proceedings. 

W. H. R. 



The Grange, 
Northwood, 
Middlesex. 

nth March, 1897. 

My dear Rylands, 

I send you photographs (front and back) of an Hypocephalus 
that I recently bought in Egypt. It is made of linen, covered over 
with stucco, and the characters are painted in black on a pale buff- 
coloured ground. It is eight and a half inches in diameter. I 
obtained it from the British Consul at Luxor, who found it with a 
mummy which he unrolled about three years ago. 

Yours sincerely, 

WALTER L. NASH. 



46, Roland Gardens. 

\gth March, 1S97. 



Dear Mr. Rylands, 

Hypocephalus Plate 1 is the picture of a cow at rest. It has the 
solar disk between the horns and, as the inscription above it says, 

is Hathor the Mistress of the divine Netherworld |Jy ^ [ J^ ] j " 



The divine Cow is protecting her son Ra, the Sun-god, at his setting 
(Todt., 162, 9). 

Plate 2 has its central part divided into four compartments 
the lowest of which is inverted. 

144 



April 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

The figure which occupies the middle of the first compartment, 
a sitting human form with four heads of rams, "four faces on one 
neck," as it is called in Dendera, is the symbol of the 'god of many 
names.' "He rises up," says the Mendesian Tablet, "from the Solar 
Mount, with four heads, lighting up heaven and earth with his rays, 
and he cometh as the Nile to give life to the universe,"* etc. At 
Esneh he is said to unite in himself the four living Souls (or active 
Forces) of Ra, Shu, Osiris and Seb. 

He is represented in the picture at the top of the Metternich 
Tablet as filling the whole of the Solar Disk, as it rises in the 
morning and is saluted by eight cynocephali. The inscription over 
this picture is "Adoration to Ra Horus of the Solar Mount, great 
god, Lord of Heaven, the giver of Light, issuing from the Solar 
Mount." 

These details have not been given in previous descriptions of 
hypocephali which have appeared in our Proceedings. 

Behind the god on this hypocephalus are the words " King for 

ever and ever" <=* 1 The crouching figure in front of the 

god might be taken on the photograph for a horned quadruped. 
But it is apparently meant for the hawk crouching on a boat. 

In compartment 2 the solar deity, seated on a throne with his 
flail over his shoulder, is saluted by two cynocephali in front and 
two behind. And behind the latter are the ' Horus-children,' Amset, 
Hapu, Tuamautef and Kebhsenuf. 

In compartment 3 are two boats, one bearing a Scarab within the 
Solar Disk and the other a Ram. The latter represents the Sun 
during the night. Both the Scarab and the Ram are sometimes, as 
in the Royal Tombs, pictured together within the Solar Disk. 

Compartment 4, which is inverted, has the picture of a person in 
a boat and the inscription is " Osiris the good [or beautiful] god " 



mi 



The circular inscription consists of an unfinished Suten-hotep-ta. 

* Brugsch (in the Zeitschr., 1871, 84, note) called attention to the words 
immediately preceding C? < y^ - , TTA ft ' of gods and men,' for the sake 

of the word signifying men. But I think that Stj here used instead of _ , 
an early Ptolemaic variant, is worth quite as much notice. 

145 



April 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

-1T1T 

" A royal table of offerings grant Osiris, presiding in Amenta, 
the good god, Lord of Restatit, Sekaru Osiris, the good god, the 

great god .... Bast, Isis, the great one and Anubis, the Lord 

of Tat'eserit ; may they grant bread, beer, .... wine and milk." 

Here the inscription stops for want of room, for it has returned 
to the place from which it started, and we have no means of learning 
in whose behalf the petition is made. 

Some parts of it are so effaced that I have not ventured to fill up 
any place on mere conjecture. The goddess mentioned before Isis 

is probably Bast.* ^ — ^ is a mistake for — „ — 1 . 

-■ --H /VW\AA I 

Believe me to be, 

Ever yours faithfully, 

P. le P. RENOUF. 

* She is very frequently associated in such inscriptions with Nephthys and 
Isis, who are in fact identical with her. 

I cannot remember that any one has noted that at Abydos (Mariette, I, 30, 6) 

Anubis is called the son of Bast, \§^Y( f/ n . 




146 



PLATE I. 



Proc. Sot. Bibl. Arch., April, 1S97. 




\ 



J*\ >*•"• 




s 1 



I****** /If 



v 



HYPOCEPHALHS IN THE COLLECTION OF WALTER L. NASH, ESQ., F.S.A. 



l'LATE II. 



Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Apr it, [897. 



i>'. 



\. <■ 



* 



:r ■ 



K^' X. 






^V-^NjVf./>P|i 



/ 






HYPOCEPHALUS IN THE COLLECTION OE WALTER T, NASH, ESQ., F.S.A. 



April 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



THE ROLLIN PAPYRI AND THEIR BAKING 
CALCULATIONS. 

[Continued.) 

By Prof. Dr. August Eisenlohr. 

(Sent in 1 November, 1895. 

Plate XIII. 1 Translation and Commentary. 

i. Thoth 7. One was travelling on the western road? 

2. Reception of the aku loaves of the bakehouse, which is under 

the chief Neferhotepu of Memphis in the magazine of the 
court. 

3. This day received in the magazine of the court by the hand oj 

the scribe of the altar Hui, the controller (?) s scribe of the 
altar Sakaan of the palace Rames, 1 800 each of 1 35 ten 
makes on ten 21600. 

I doubt if I have properly understood the hieratic signs 
kv />o, K>^ Vjt tne contr °H er - -^ s we must rea d CT) , 



rames instead of Pleyte's akeku, a different writing of O 

v\ \ >^ N& Ramessu (1. 4), we seem to have noted only 

1 Spiegelberg, Tafel VI. 

2 Spiegelberg reads not < ^ > £^£ hir, "road," but — fi\ rut, 
"district, province." I think he is right, and as he translates, not in the western 
but in the eastern tr y district. 

3 Spiegelberg better Hui, "son ( n^v) of Pahu," both names with the same 
title, "cup bearer;" Lieblein, Diet, de Noms, 974, not scribe of the altar, but 

of the drink table. If sakaan is a title, the name of the man is (W) , 

rames. Spiegelberg, p. 45, made of this group a kind of cake(!). 

'47 



APRIL 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

two scribes, the first Hui, the second Ramessu. In this case 
& I "^ ^ Vjr sa ^ a ^ n must not be a proper name, but a function. 
"\Ye find a v=\ \h \ \ /] £T hit saketu in the Pap. Bologna 

Q I III 

1086, 1. 17, what Chabas, Mklanges % III a, p. 232, has translated, "chef 
des mariniers," because the slave reclaimed from the hir saketu is said 



to be among the slaves of the conductors of ships qq 

<vww\ // I 

(ib. 1. 10). Perhaps we should refer to the Hebrew Tlpti, the 
Arabic JLj, to drink and give to drink. The numbers of the 
original give 1800, but it ought to be 1600, because only then we 
get multiplied with 13^=21600. This same number, 21600 (not 
21800, Pleyte), recurs, PI. XI, 1. 3, as the weight of 1800 ^ 
loaves. Probably we have there the reckoning to XIII. 3. 

4. Thoth day 1 1 , received in the magazine of the court by the hand 

of the scribe Ramessu {of) the holy magazine, the scribe 
JVecht, kelesta 6000, makes in ten 18,000, in rest 1 kelesta 10, 
makes in ten 30. 

pa ut'a nab (also X, 2) is surely only a variant of pa ni'a en 
chennu. If we try to search for these kelesta in PI. V and VI, we 
find it difficult to bring them out. (PI. VI, 11. 14-17), which is of 
the corresponding date (Thoth 10) gives added more than 7000 
kelesta. 

5. Thoth day 15, received in the magazine of the court through his 

hand „ ,, kelesta 2400, makes in 

ten 7440, in rest'- kelesta 10, makes in ten 31. 

6. Thoth day 16, received in the magazine of the court through his 

hand „ „ kelesta 1400, makes in 

ten 4690, 3 in rest kelesta 10, makes in ten 33^. 

R , 1 1 1 1 " '| (] 

1 Spiegelberg reads V\ 3 , but on his photo. (Tafel VI, 11. 3, 4) the 

group is not clear enough. Pleyte's text gives 3 " rest" so the original, 

VI, 4. I incline to Spiegelberg's view (Comment., p. 45) that there is expressed 
the proportion of keleSta to ten, I. 5 10 : 31, 1. 6 10 : 33\, 1. 7 10 = 35 

" Proportion. 

:1 Spiegelberg, 4590, the proportion 10 : 33^ wants 4690. 

.48 



April 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

The proportion of kelesta to ten, i.e., the weight of the kelesta, 
does not remain the same. L. 4 the proportion was 1:3, 1. 5, 
1:3,1, 11. 6 and 7, 1:3,35, s0 f° r tne chief number of kelesta 
as for the rest. 

7. Thoth day 18, received in the magazine of the court through his 

hand {of the scribe Rainess u, etc.) „ ,, 

{kelesta) 2790, makes in ten 9765, {rest kelesta) 10, makes 
ten 35. 

8. Thoth day 21, received in the magazine of the court through his 

hand ,, ,, kelesta 2[2J90, 1 makes 

in ten 8155. It was wholly consumed. 

9. Thoth day 22, received in the magazine of the court through his 

hand ,, ,, kelesta [2J20o, makes in 

ten 7800. 77 was wholly consumed. 

10. Thoth day 25, received in the magazine of the court through his 

hand ,, ,, kelesta [2]6oo,- makes 

in ten 9453. It was wholly consumed. 

1 1. Thoth day 28, received in the magazine of the court through his 

hand ,, „ keleSta [i]i68, makes 

in ten 3800. 3 // was wholly consumed. 

12. Paophi 1, day of travelling of his majesty to the South {?). 

Received into the magazine of the court by the hand of his 
scribe JVecht, {kelesta) 3[9]o5, 5 makes in ten 13,745. 

1 3. Paophi day [4], received in the magazine of the court by his 

hand ,, {kelesta) [4] 100, makes in ten 

13,680.''' 

14. Paophi day 8, received in the magazine of the court by his 

hand „ {kelesta) 3 [ . ]25, 7 makes in ten 

17,880. 

1 Spiegelberg, iooo.r + So, the photo, shows clearly 90. 
• Spiegelberg, iooox + 600 ; the proportion wants 2600. 

s 13,800, surely after the photo., so not 1,000, but 3,000 or 4,000 kelesta. 
Spiegelberg iooor + 668. 

4 Spiegelberg, nach Theben, "without reason." 

5 Spiegelberg, 3710. 

6 Spiegelberg, 13,580, but the photo, clearly 680. 
" Spiegelberg, 37(?)i(?)5- 

149 



April 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S97. 

15. Pa op hi day 9, received in the magazine of the court by his 

hand „ „ (kelesta) 12 . . , makes in ten 

4200. 

16. Paophi day 12, received in the magazine of the court by his 

hand „ „ {kelesta) 3 . . . , makes in ten 

10,230. 

17. Paophi day 15, received in the magazine of the court by his 

hand „ ,, (kelesta) 4 . . . , makes in ten 

I5.3 00 - 1 

18. Paophi day 20, received in the magazine of the court by his 

hand „ ,, (kelesta) 4 . . . , makes in ten 

13,260. 

19. Paophi day 22, received in the magazine of the court by his 

hand „ „ (kelesta) 3 . . . , makes in ten 

ic,ooo. 

20. Paophi day 26, received in the magazine of the court through 

his hand „ „ (kelesta) 3820, makes in ten 

12,421.°- 

21. Paophi day 29, received in the magazine of the court through 

his hand ,, ,, (kelesta) 3870, makes in ten 

12,550. 

22. Athyr day 2, received in the magazine of the court through his 

hand ,, ,, (kelesta) 3843, makes in ten 

12,700. 

23. Athyr day 6, received in the magazine of the court through his 

hand ,, ,, (kelesta) [4^, 986/ makes in ten 

16,350, together 705. 

Plate X." 

1. Athyr day 8, received into the magazine of the court through 

the hand of the scribe Necht. Good bread, kelesta 2390, 
makes in ten 7870. 

2. Athyr day 10, received into the magazine of the court through 

the hand of the scribe Necht of the holy 6 magazine, (kelesta) 
2440, makes in ten 8050. 

1 Spiegelberg, 700 dubious. - Spiegelberg, 13, 421 after the proportion. 

' The 4 is clear in the photo. 4 Spiegelberg, Tafel II. 

* Spiegelberg, reines Magazin, 

*5° 



April 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

3. Athyr day 14, received into the magazine of the court through 

his hand ,, „ „ (ke/esta) 

3790, makes in te?i 12,630. 

4. Athyr day 16, received into the magazine of the court through 

his hand „ ,, ,, (ke/esta) 

2300, makes in ten 7850. 

5. Athyr day 19, received into the magazine of the court through 

his hand „ „ „ (ke/esta) 

2880, makes in ten 9500. 

6. Athyr day 22, received into the magazine of the court through 

his hand „ ,, ,, (ke/esta) 

2600, makes in ten 8900. 

7. Athyr day 27, received into the magazine of the court through 

his hand ,, ,, ,, (ke/esta) 

5266, makes in ten 17,440. 

8. Choiak day 6, received into the magazine of the court through 

the hand of the scribe Thothmesu, (ke/esta) 11,072, makes in 
ten 37,220. 

9. Choiak day 13, received into the magazine of the court through 

the hand of the scribe Necht, (ke/esta) 4205, makes in ten 

16,3s - 1 

10. Choiak day 17, received into the magazine of the court through 

his hand ,, ,, (ke/esta) 1000, makes in ten 

3710. 

1 1. Last (Choiak), received into the magazine of the court through 

the hand of the scribe Paharfet, 1001, makes in ten 3090. 2 

Pl. XIII, 1. 8. The second figure in the number of kelesta (the 
hundreds) has faded away. We restore the number to 2290 to get a 
convenient proportion (1 '.3,56) between kelesta and ten. The word 

I fc^^tn c ^ ai nas ^ ere doubtless the meaning of consumed, as 
the same word as malady means consumption (see Brugsch, Wortb., 
Continuat., p. 884). There was no rest on this and the following days. 
L. 9. We restore 2000 before 200, equally 1. 10 before 600. The 
restoration of the kele§ta (11. n-19) is doubtful, we can only 
approximately deduct their number from the number of ten with 
the proportion of ca. 3, 5:1. 

1 Spiegelberg, 18,350 ; the photo, indistinct. 

1 Between 11. 4 and 5 of PI. X the photo. (Spiegelberg, Tafel II) lets see 
"together 6171," which belong to Tafel III (Pleyte's PI. XI). 

r 5I 



April 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1S97. 

L. 12 is of the second month, the Paophi. Pleyte is right in 
translating (p. 20), "jour du voyage de sa majeste vers le sud." 
The sign after the gap is -=4r^ kemat, and not /£<U | . Pleyte's 
number of kelesta 3205 being too low on account of the number of 
ten, it may be easily corrected into 3905. L. 13. The real number 
13,680 wants more than 4000 kelesta. The date must be between 
1 and 8 Paophi, so we supplied the 4. L. 14. The number of 
hundreds is not to be now seen, but distinctly 25. From the 
number of ten 17,880 we should expect 5000 and not 3000 kelesta 
in the proportion of 3^ : 1. L. 23 the number of ten 16,350 
wants not 3986 but 4986. ' 

The last number at the end of PL XIII which looks like an 

addition, probably 705, cannot be the sum of the rests (?) above ; this 

would be only 1 29^ ; perhaps it remained from the former manuscript. 

PI. X is only the continuation of PI. XIII, no void being between 

them, as PI. XIII closes with 6 Athyr, and PI. X begins with the 

8th of the same month. It is to be noticed that PI. X-XII is 

written on a papyrus sheet which was used before, what is called 

d ( ) * 

palimpsest, p I ta nefer, "good breads," are often mentioned 

in the great Harris, XVIL?, 7, XXXV<7, 1, etc., combined not only 
with akuu, XV 11/;, 8, but also with kelesta, XVI lb, 15 (cf. Piehl, 
Did., p. 102). 

Plate XI. 2 

ax. 1601. 39 2 ,3 2 5> 

2. together bread 107,893 makes in ten 364,371 

3. bread 61 7 1 loaves (0es) 1800 makes in ten 21,600 

4. together 385,871 3 

5. rest 6354. 

b\. quantity of maize sacks 1601 makes in bread 112,090 

2. makes in ten 392,306 

3, 4. brought to the magazine bread 1 14,064 4 makes in ten 

385,971 
5. rest bread ten 6335 makes in bread 1815. 5 

1 So also the photo. 

- Spiegelbcrg, Tafel III, before the text of PI. XII, but very indistinct. 
:t Spiegelbcrg, 97 1. The photo, too indistinct to decide. 

4 Spiegelbcrg could not recognise the number ; he reads 80 instead of the 
apparent 60. 

'' Spiegelberg, 1825. 

152 



April 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

We have here a double account of the same quantity of boti 
f ^ , so has the original, PI. Xlb, 1. 1, not Pleyte's flour. Boti 

J \\ o o o 

is probably spelt or maize, Indian corn, vide p. 94, Greek okvpa. 
The quantity is in both accounts 1601 sacks- these are calculated 
in ten and in bread. 

a. First account 1601. 392,325. 

These 392,325 ten consist of two sorts : — 

1. loaves 107,893, which give ten 364,371 

2. ,, 6121 0es 1800 ,, 2t,6oo 



3S5>97i 
Rest 6354 



If we add these last 

numbers we get the number above. 392,325 

The likeness of the hieratic signs for 20 and 70 makes this 
account rather uncertain. After the signs in the original, we could 
read 1. 1, 392,375, and 1. 2, 364,321, but for the additional sum 

compare the above reading. The relation of loaves to ten ^ 4o7 r 

107,893 

= 3,377 proves that the loaves are kelesta. This seems also the 

case with the 61 21 relation 1 : 3, 5, but the second number #es 1800, 

the 1800 1 loaves, if it is not displaced and belongs to the rest (1. 5), 

are bigger loaves (akuu). If we divide 21,600 by 1800 we get 12^, 

which is XII, 8, the weight of an akuu bread. 

A probably corrected and better account is the second of PI. XI. 
Here the sum of loaves is 112,090 in ten 392,306 (only 15 less than 
in the first account). From these were brought into the magazine 
114,064 = 385,971 ten. As rest is noted 1815 loaves = 6335 ten, 
together 115,879 loaves = 392,306 ten. 

If we compare the 114,064 delivered loaves to this of the first 
account, we get the same number if we add to 107.893 (1. 2), 

6,171 (I- 3) 
(1. 1), 114,064 

The number of ten in the second account (385,971) disagrees by 
a hundred with the number of the first account. This all demon- 
strates that our calculator was a rather careless man. 

It is to be noted that we have here not, as in PI. V— IX and 

1 See XIII, 3, where we corrected i,Soo to 1,600 a 13^ ten = 2i,6oo. 

J 53 



April 6J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

PL XII, a calculation of tep sacks of flour, but of sacks of boti 
(Indian corn or spelt) : these sacks of spelt or maize must have been 
considerably smaller than those tep sacks of flour, because we have 
seen above, p. 96, that a tep sack of flour was calculated to give 
720 ten = 65 kilogr. of bread, whilst here a sack of boti is supposed 
to give only -ffo-p = 245 ten or 22 kilogr. of bread. In this 
manner would be the proportion between sacks of corn and sacks 
of flour as 22 : 65. In PI. XVIII, 7^ sacks of flour correspond to 
iSf tep sacks of boti, i.e. 1:2^, a somewhat different proportion 
from that here, 22 : 65 = 1 : nearly 3. I confess that there is a 
difficulty in accepting two different measures of flour and of corn 
with the same name tep i3Q, but it is nearly impossible to think 
that the same volume of corn and flour could produce bread, the 
first only in the weight of 22 kilogr. (245 ten), the other in the weight 
of 65 kilogr. = 720 ten, even if the first one would be reckoned in 
ears not skinned. We cannot arrive at the real weight of a sack of 
boti, because we are not certain if this boti is spelt or maize. I 
draw from a good manual of agriculture (Goriz, Betriebskhre, 
Vol. II, p. 221 ff.) the following information : 

100 pounds of corn (Roggen, Seaxle cereak) give 85 pounds of 

flour, and these, n 5-1 20 pounds of bread. 
1 00 pounds of wheat ( Triticum vulgar*) give 84 pounds of flour, 

and these, 100-106 pounds of bread. 
100 pounds of spelt grains (Dinket, Triticum spelta) give 83-90 

pounds of flour, and these, 100-108 pounds of bread. 

r corn, 100 give 133-150 
or from 100 pounds of flour I . . , 

, r , , < wheat, 100 give 126-133 
ca. 1 ^50 pounds of bread , 

J ' Lspelt, 100 give 122-150 

From the same source (Goriz, I, 139) I draw the average weight 

of a hektolitre of winter wheat from 71 to 76 kilogr., 

,, ,, winter corn (Rogge;/) from 68i to 71 kilogr., 

,, „ maize from 60,6 to 68i kilogr. 

To this section belongs also the Papyrus 1S83 = 209.'' not pub- 
lished by Pleyte, dated the second year of Seti I, who sojourned at 



1 Spiegelberg gives the Papyrus 209 in extenso, Tafel IX and Tafel X. Text, 
l>. 20^ Of this text, which contains, besides Seti I, the names of King 
Kame<es I, Amenophis I, and Haremheb, only a small part, recto Col. I, verso 
Cols. II — III, belongs to the baking accounts. 

J 54 



April 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

that time at Heliopolis {autu em lu an). On this very corroded 

sheet, nearly unrecognisable, which was written on both sides, we 
encounter the same personalities we have met in the two first sections, 

the scribe ^ (](] V& 1 Hui, of the lt"D | Cq « -JS>J ■£ \ (1, 



Pa Ramenpehti (Ramses I), and a scribe oi.perait ( O ^£. 2^' ]> 

also the baker T'at'a receiving sacks of flour (annu), whom we met 
so often, PI. V-IX and PI. XII. 

1 Not in Sp : egelberg. 

2 Spiegelberg reads this wcrd petal, and translates it "cultus, worship." 



The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 37, 
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, 4th 
May, 1897, at 8 p.m., when the following Paper will be 
read : — 

The Hon. Miss Plunket : " The Median Calendar." 



155 



April 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1897. 



NOTICES. 

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April 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1897, 



THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE 
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY. 



Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting them to the 

Society. 

Ai.ker, E. , Die Chronologie der Biicher der Konige und Paralipomen5n im 
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder. 

Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac. 

Contes de l'Egypte Chretienne. 

La Morale Egyptienne vjuinze siecles avant notre ere. 

Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu. 

A., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes 

et Assyriennes. 

Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts. 

Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und 
die Gotter der Heiden. 

Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest. 

Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847- 1850. 

Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols. 
I— III (Brugsch). 

Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics par 

H. Brugsch et J. Dumichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen 
of vols. 3 and 4.) 

Budinger, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum 
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis. 

Burckhardt, Eastern Travels. 

Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen. 

Chauas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873. 

Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867. 

2nd series, 1869. 

Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886. 

Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio. 



Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers. 

Erman, Papyrus Westcar. 

Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1 880. 

Gayet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre. 

Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877. 

Vingt-quatre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de. 

Grant-Bey, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerted 

on the Religions that came in contact with it. 
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze. 
Hommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892. 



April 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

Tastrow, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian "Dibbarra" Epic. 

Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier. 

Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's, Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson- 

derer Beriicksichtigung der Keilsehriftlichen Quellen. 
Toachim, II., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde. 
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative 

Semitic Philology. 
Krehs, F., De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio. 
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum 

Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichtigung der Resultate 

der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie. 
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. 
Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2 me partie. "Osiris." 

Legrain, G., Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre. 
Lf.hmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173. 

47 plates. 
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 1880. 
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia. 
Muller, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien. 
Noorktzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out- 

dekkingen. 
Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa. 
Raweinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy. 
Romou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides. 

Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur la chronologie des Lagides. 

Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage. 

Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee. 

Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi. 

Schouw, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris. 

Schroeder. Die Phonizische Sprache. 

Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptische Gotterglaube. 

Virey, P., Quelques Observations sur l'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d'un 

Monument Egyptien. 
Vhser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891. 
WALTHER, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue 

biblique. Lausanne, 1890. 
WlLCICEN, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben. 
WlLTZKE, Der Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra. 
WlNCKLER, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II. 

Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament. 

WEISSLEACH, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art. 

\Vks-ei.ey, C. , Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum. 

Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 

187S. 
ZlMMERN, II., Die Assyriologie als Iliilfswissenschaft fiir das Studium des Alten 

Testaments. 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS. 



In 8 Parts. Price 5s. each. The Fourth Part having been issued, the Price is 
now Raised to £$ for the 8 Parts. Parts cannot be sold separately. 

The Egyptian Book of the Dead. 

Complete Translation, Commentary, and Notes. 
By SIR P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Knt. (President); 

CONTAINING ALSO 

I @L Series of plates of ttje Utpettes of trje Different ©fjapters. 

rhe Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates from 

Balawat. 

[Shalmaneser II, b.c. 859-825.] 



Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers. 

In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus the price for 
:ach part is now raised to £1 10s. ; to Members of the Society (the original 
nice) jQ\ is. 



Price 7s. 6d. Only a Limited Number of Copies will be Printed. 

THE PALESTINIAN SYRIAC VERSION OF THE HOLY 

SCRIPTURES. 

Four Recently Discovered Portions (together with verses from the 
Psalms and the Gospel of St. Luke). Edited, in Photographic Facsimile, 
from a Unique MS. in the British Museum, with a Transcription, Transla 
tion, Introduction, Vocabulary, and Notes, by 

REV. G. MARGOLIOUTH, M.A., 

Assistant in the Department of Oriental Printed Books and MSS. in the British 
Museum ; formerly Tyrwhitt Hebrew Scholar. 



Subscribers' names to be Addressed to the Secretary, 



Society of Biblical Archeology. 



COUNCIL, 1897. 



President. 
Sir P. le Page Renouf, Knt. 

Vice- Presidents , 

The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York. 

The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c, &c. 

The Right Hon.' Lord Amherst of Hackney. 

The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury. 

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c. 

Arthur Cates. 

F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c. 

Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c. 

Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A. 

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 



Council. 



Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A. 

Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D. 

Thomas Christy, F.L.S. 

Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S. 

Charles Harrison, F.S.A. 

Gray II ill. 

Prof. T. IIayter Lewis, F.S.A. 

Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c. 



Rev. James Marshall, M.A. 

Claude G. Montefiore. 

Walter L. Nash, F.S.A. 

Prof. E. Naville. 

J. Pollard. 

Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., F.R.S., 

&c. 
E. Towry Whyte, M.A., F.S.A. 



Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet. 

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Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S. 



HARRISON AND SONS, PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY, ST. MARTIN'S LANE. 



VOL. XIX. Part 5. 

w 



PROCEEDINGS 



THE SOCIETY 



BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. 



-•#>*- 



VOL. XIX. TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION. 

Fifth Meeting, May 4th, 1 897. 



CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Sir P. le Page Renouf {President). — The Book of the Dead. 

Chapters CXXXVIa and CXXXVIb 160-164 

E. J. Pilcher. — Trie Date of the Siloam Inscription. (3 Plates) 165-182 

F. Legge.— A Coptic Spell of the Second Century 183 187 

Sir P. le Page Renouf {President). — Young and Champollion 188-209 
W. E. Crum. — A Coptic Palimpsest — 

7". Prayer of the Virgin in " Barfos" "^ 



II. Fragment of a Patriarchal History J 



-#.«.- 



PUBLISHED AT 

THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY, 
37, Great Russell Street, 1!loomsbury, W.C. 

189 7. 



[No. CXLVI.] 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY, 

37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 



TRANSACTIONS. 



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6 


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1878-79 


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1887-8S 


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5, 


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1887-S8 


7 


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1888-S9 


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1893-94 


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.. XIX, 


In pr 


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1897 





















A few complete sets of the Transactions still remain for sale, which may be 
obtained on application to the Secretary, W. H. Rylands, F.S.A., 37, Great 
Russell Street, Uloomsbury, W.C. 



PROCEEDINGS 



THE SOCIETY 

OF 

BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. 



TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION, 1897. 



Fifth Meeting, ^th May, 1897. 
The Rev. JAMES MARSHALL, M.A., 

IN THE CHAIR. 

% A .%- 



The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Secretary of State for India in Council : 
The Sacred Books of the East : — 

Vol. XXXVIII, Vedanta-Sutras, with Sankara's Commentary. 

Part II. Translated by George Thibaut. 
Vol. XLII, Hymns of the Atharva-Veda, together with 
extracts from the Ritual Books and Commentaries. 
Translated by Maurice Bloomfield. 
Vol. XLV, Gaina Sutras. Translated from Prakrit by 

Herman Jacobi. Part II. 
Vol. XLVI, Vedic Hymns. Translated by Hermann 
Oldenberg. Part II. 8vo. 1895-6-7. Oxford. 
[No. cxlvi.] 157 o 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

From Professor Russell Martineau : — 

Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes. Vol. I, 

1837; Vol. II, 1839; Vol. Ill, 1840; Vol. IV, 1841. 
8vo. Gottingen. 



Bd. 5, Heft 2. Bonn. 1844. Bd. 6, Heft 

1. Bonn. 1S44. Heft 2. Bonn. 1845. Bd - 7> Heft *• 
8vo. Bonn. 1846. 

Jahresbericht der Deutschen Morgenlandischen 



Gesellschaft fiir das Jahr 1845. Leipzig. 1846. Fiir das 
Jahr 1846. Leipzig. 1847. 

Zeitschrift der D. M. Gesellschaft, Vol. I. Leipzig. 



1847; Vol. IV, 1850; Vol. V, 1851; Vol. VI, 1852; Vol. 
VII, 1853; Vol. VIII, 1854; Vol. IX, 1855; Vol. X, 1856; 
Vol. XI, 1857; Vol. XII, 1858. 

Register zu Band I-X. 8vo. Leipzig. 



1858. 

From the Author : — Professor Karl Piehl. Melanges and 
Notices of Books (10 8vo. Papers). 

Reponse a M. Gaston Maspero a propos de son avant- 



propos du " Temple d'Edfou." 8vo. Upsala. 1897. 
Notes de Lexicographique Egyptienne. 



Texte Provenant du Grand Temple d'Edfou. 
Extraits, Congres Internat. des Orient. Geneve. 8vo. 
1894. Leide. 1896. 

Sur une nouveau paradigme en Egyptien. 

Quelques Textes Egyptiens empruntes a. des monu- 



ments conserves au Musee de Stockholm. 
Remarques generates sur le dictionnaire hieroglyphique. 
Observations sur quelques signes et groupes hieroglyphiques. 
Quelques Mots sur la vie et les ceuvres de l'illustre orientaliste 

suedois. J. D. Akerblad. 

Extraits : 8 Cong, des Orientalistes. Stockholm. 8vo. 

1889. Leide. 1891. 
Deux deesses Egyptiennes. Leide. 4to. 



Extrait des Melanges Charles de Harlez. 
158 



rlAY 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

From R. A. Rye : — The Dawn of Civilization ; Egypt and Chaldea. 
By G. Maspero. Edited by A. H. Sayce. Translated by 
M. L. McClure. 8vo. London. 1894. 

From the Author, Captain H. G. Lyons, R.E. : — A Report on 
the Island and Temples of Philse, with introductory note by 
W. E. Garstin, C.M.G. Printed by order of H. E. Hussein 
Fakhri Pasha, Minister of Public Works. Fol. London. 
[1897.] 

A special vote of thanks was given to Prof. Russell 
VTartineau for his donation to the Library. 



A Paper by the Hon. Miss Plunket was read : entitled 
' The Median Calendar," which will be printed, with illustra- 
tions, in a future part of the Proceedings. 

Remarks were added by Mr. Joseph Offord, Miss Plunket, 
and the Chairman. 




159 o 2 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 



BOOK OF THE DEAD. 
By Sir P. Le Page Renouf. 



CHAPTER CXXXVIa. 

Chapter whereby one is conveyed in the 'Bark of Ra. 

Lo the Light (1) which riseth up in Cher-aba. (2) 

He is born, he of the strong cord, (3) his cable (4) is at an end, 
and his rudder (5) hath been taken in hand. 

I poise the divine machinery (6) by which I raise up the Bark to 
the cord above head, by means of which I come forth into Heaven, 
and am conveyed to Nut. 

I am conveyed by it along with Ra. I am conveyed by it like 
the Kaf. (7) 

I stop the path at the Uarit of Nut, at the staircase where Seb 
and Nut bewail their hearts. 

CHAPTER CXXXVIb. 

Chapter whereby one is conveyed in the Great Bark of Ra to pass 
through the orbit of flame. 

bright flame which art behind Ra, and dividest his Crown ! 
The Bark of Ra feareth the storm. 

Ye* are bright and ye are exalted. 

1 come daily with Sek-hra (8) from his exalted station, so that I 
may witness the process of the Maat (9) and the lion-forms (10) 
which belong to them .... so that I may see them there. 

* Sic. 
160 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

We are rejoicing : their great ones are in jubilation, and their 
smaller ones in bliss. 

I make my way at the prow of the Bark of Ra, which lifteth me 
up like his disk. 

I shine like the Glorious ones, whom he hath enriched with his 
wealth, holding fast like a Lord of Maat. 

Here is the Cycle of the gods, and the Kite of Osiris. 

Grant ye that his father, the Lord of them, may judge in his 
behalf. 

And so I poise for him the Balance, which is Maat, and I raise 
it to Tefnut that he may live. 

Come, come, for the father is uttering the judgment of Maat. 

Oh thou who callest out at thine evening hours, grant that I may 
come and bring to him the two jaws of Restau, and that I may bring 
to him the books which are in the Annu and add up for him his 
hosts. 

And so I have repulsed Apepi and healed the wounds he made. 

Let me make my way through the midst of you. 

I am the Great one among the gods, coming in the two Barks 
of the Lord of Sau, the Figure of the great saluter, who hath made 
the Flame. 

Let the fathers and their Apes make way for me, that I may 
enter the Mount of Glory, and pass through where the Great 
ones are. 

I see who is there in his Bark, and I pass through the orbit of 
Flame which is behind the Lord of the Side-lock, over the serpents. 

Let me pass : I am the powerful one, the Lord of the powerful. 

I am the Sahu, the Lord of Maat, the creator of every Dawn, (n) 

Place me among the followers of Ra : place me as one who 
goeth round in the Garden of Peace of Ra. 

I am a god greater than thou art. 

Let me be numbered in presence of the Divine Cycle when the 
offerings are presented to me. 



Notes. 

The two chapters which are numbered by M. Naville as 136A 
and 136B are represented in the later recensions by a single 
chapter, which has been made out of them. There is very much 

161 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

obscurity in the ancient texts, though the MSS. containing them 
are numerous, and the more recent versions are quite as difficult 
to understand. We must be satisfied for the present by a strict 
literal and grammatical translation, wherever this amount of success 
is attainable. The royal sarcophagus 32 of the British Museum 
gives the latest form of 136A. 

1. Light J I V\t A common noun signifying lamp, but 

the determinative here shows that a heavenly body is meant. The 
sun is here spoken of exactly in the same poetical way as when 
Antigone (879) speaks of Tore Xafnrdc.o? iepbv ojujlui, or Virgil of the 
Pha'boea lampas. 

2. The later recension speaks of " the Lamp in Annu and the 
Hammemit in Cheraba. This reading is already found in a few 
of the Theban texts. The royal sarcophagus 32 of the British 

Museum gives the important variant fj\ ^ © = ^ ( \T\ 
whence it follows that Ck2l is phonetically —^- The latter sign has 

only two known values a <3 _ _d aha, and 9 aba. That 

the latter is the true equivalent of U^A is certain, in consequence 
of the complementary vowels v\ , which commonly accompany 
that sign, whether in the word signifying battle, or in the name of 

a place. It is impossible that ^ - Q should be the right 

reading, and no one has a right to convert <? into a simple 8 . 
The well known word x Mj, "strike," takes the prothetic (L 

and is found under the form (I 9 (\C\ > m tne name °f one °f tnc 
hours of the night.* No fresh information is derived from the 

discovery by M. Daressy of the same word under the form (I x 0, 

that is (I ft \±=J], as it should be corrected if cited. To strike and 

* To press the identity of Q -/^ and t| ? Q ^\ in the name of this hour is 
to forget that its variants would equally prove that @ ® = y^ = 1 ■ 

162 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

to fight are different words, though they may often be used synono- 
mously, and admit of being substituted one for the other.* 

3. He of the strong cord, T . This is grammatically the subject 

of the verb is born, and I consider it as a compound expression in 
which the adjective precedes the substantive, as in longimanus. 

I understand T as = T ^j\ <§. (see Zeitsch., 1868, p. 70, and 1870, 

p. 154, 155). In the later recessions {e.g., Todt. 136, and B.M. 32) 
it is omitted in this place, but not in the passage which follows. 

4. His cable, DO . See Bonomi, Sarc. 8 D, and cf. a 

passage in the Pyramid Texts {Pepi I, 413, Merenrd 590) which 
refers to this or a similar voyage. M. Maspero thus translates it : — 
" Fais amener a Pepi ta barque sur laquelle naviguent tes purs el 
quand tu auras regu ta libation d'eau fraiche sur cette Cuisse des 

Indestructibles (the Uarit ^\ <rr> r cEg J f the Circumpolar 

Stars), fais naviguer Pepi dans cette barque avec ce cable d'etoffe 
verte et blanche par lequel PGEil d'Hor est remorque," &c. The 
Uarit, or Leg (on which see Ch. 74, Note 1) of Nut is mentioned at 
the end of this chapter. 

* See P.S.B.A. IX, p. 313, and two previous articles of mine there referred to. 
The corrections I have to make are the following : — I wrongly assumed that the fs/i 

which in hieratic papyri crosses the foot of the sign j in the variants of rV"\ 
was the same fish as we find in the group 



•I I I Ml III 

The fishes are different. On referring to M. Naville's Festival Hall of Osorkon II, 

pi. 18, pictures will be found of the ^ <3<( and the Qf) <€X. The 
first of these is clearly the fish in <££C, [ , hem-ren, and the corresponding sign 

in the variant is to be read <5p, hem, in harmony with the other evidence 
produced by W. Max Midler (Reeneil, vol. IX). The picture of it does not 
enable one to determine its species. The pictures at Babastis of the CW\ <S=< 
seem to indicate the Synodontis, but a picture found by Petrie (Metlum, pi. 12) 
shows an immense fish which has been identified with the Latus or Perca 
Nilotica. This being of the Acanthopterygian family is of course a very 
formidable warrior, like our own small perch, which, as Mr. Ward says, "does 
not yield its life without endangering the person of its captor, for the formidable 
rows of spinous rays belonging to the first dorsal fin have wounded the hands of 
many an incautious angler." 

163 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

6. Machinery V\ <z> . The word has disappeared from 

the later texts and been replaced by various conjectural emendations 
of the scribes. 

7. The Kaf, Q ^\ *^^ SF?v one °^ tne divinities in form of 
apes. Etymologically the word signifies " the hot one." 

8. Sek-hra, II S jTv is the more common reading, but 



Q ,P also occurs and so does ILx | q. JH. I cannot 

remember where I found '1^©^ {-P.S.B.A. VI, 191) which 

would identify this divinity with Thoth. 

9. The Maat, the series of phenomena occurring in strict 
conformity with Law, that is with the laws of Nature. 

10. Lion forms, JeS, phonetically <cz> , in most of the 

papyri. Some of the words which follow are evidently in very 
corrupt condition. 

1 1. Every Dawn, I (1 [1 a. JL ^7. 




164 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



THE DATE OF THE SILOAM INSCRIPTION. 

By E. J. PlLCHER. 

In the month of June, 1880, a sharp-eyed pupil of Dr. Schick 
detected the letters of an inscription upon the wall of a rock-hewn 
channel which conveys water from the Virgin's Spring to the Pool 
of Siloam, at Jerusalem. Professor A. H. Sayce, of Oxford, in 
February, 1881, made the first intelligible copy; and the following 
is his latest revised translation of his restoration of the inscription. 

Line 1. " (Behold) the excavation ! Now this is the history of 
the excavation. While the excavators were lifting up 

Line 2. The pick each towards his neighbour, and while there 
were yet three cubits (to excavate there was heard) the voice of one 
man 

Line 3. calling to his neighbour, for there was an excess in the 
rock on the right hand (and on the left). And after that on the 
day 

Line 4. of excavating, the excavators had struck pick against 
pick, one against the other, 

Line 5. the waters flowed from the spring to the pool for a 
distance of 1,200 cubits. And a 

Line 6. hundred cubits was the height of the rock over the 
head of the excavators."* 

This inscription was carefully and artistically engraved upon the 
lower half of a niche, or tablet, cut in the rock ; the upper half 
being left blank. This seems to indicate that the notice was 
intended to be bi-lingual ; but, for some reason, the other language 
was never added. In 1890 an attempt was made to steal the 
inscription by cutting it out of the rock ; but the only result was to 
break it in pieces, and the fragments are now preserved in the 

* 77/i? Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the A/omn/ients, by the Rev. A. 
H. Sayce. (London, 1894), p. 379. See also an account of the inscription, with 
facsimile plate, Proceedings, Vol. IV, 68. 

165 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

Royal Museum at Constantinople. A cast of it, as it appeared in 
its original condition, may be seen at the offices of the Palestine 
Exploration Fund. 

As the inscription contains no historical statement, its interest is 
purely paleographical ; and its date is uncertain. 

Mr. Shapira, of Jerusalem, asserted that he could read the name 
of Uzziah upon it, and that it must therefore be attributed to that 
monarch. As, however, no one else could find the name, this 
theory has been dropped. 

Professor Sayce, upon its discovery, somewhat hastily assumed 
the language of the inscription to be Phoenician ; and its date to be 
of the time of Solomon. Although he quickly discovered that the 
language was Hebrew, he still maintained the Solomonic date in 
1883. In his latest work, however, he assigns it to Hezekiah, 
because 2 Kings xx, 20, happens to mention that Hezekiah made a 
conduit. Dr. Neubauer suggested that when Isaiah viii, 6, men- 
tioned " the waters of Shiloah that go softly," the prophet referred 
to the Siloam tunnel ; and that therefore the latter was in existence, 
if not made, in the time of Ahaz. These theories seem to rest 
merely upon the assumption that the Siloam tunnel is one of the 
watercourses mentioned in the Old Testament, of which assumption 
there is of course no proof. Dr. Schick in 1891 announced in the 
Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund that he had 
partly explored the remains of another conduit running along the 
ancient surface of the ground from the Virgin's Spring to the Pool 
of Siloam. Seeing, therefore, that other aqueducts exist, it would 
be premature to identify the rock-hewn channel with any passage of 
Scripture. 

Canon Isaac Taylor, in his work on The Alphabet (p. 236), 
assigns the Siloam inscription to the reign of Manasseh. After 
giving it as his opinion that it cannot be earlier than the eighth, or 
later than the sixth century B.C., he says : — 

" But these limits of date may to some extent be further 
narrowed. It has been shown (p. 201) that the chief paleographic 
test which distinguishes the two great epochs of the Phoenician 
alphabet consists in the change in the forms of the two letters mem 
and shin. During the first part both letters have the zigzag form. In 
the second epoch they have a horizontal bar and cross stroke. The 
transition took place in the seventh century, when there was a short 
period during which the letter mem exhibits the new form, while shut 

166 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

remains unchanged. It is precisely to this transitional period that 
the Siloam Inscription must be referred." 

Canon Taylor, however, does not appear to have noticed that 
the Old Hebrew Alphabet never passed this " transitional period," 
and never adopted the barred shin. The coins of Bar-Cochab, 
a.d. 135, still exhibited the barred mem and the zigzag shin. 
Consequently Canon Taylor's inferior limit of date cannot be 
sustained.* 

Scholars, therefore, being at variance as to the exact date of the 
inscription, and, moreover, having no definite grounds for the 
opinions they express as to its date, it is proposed to examine the 
alphabet of the Siloam Inscription in the light of our knowledge of 
other inscriptions in the Old Hebrew character. 

The fact that the Siloam inscription is in Hebrew, and in the 
Old Hebrew character, gives us no clue to its date ; because we do 
not know when Hebrew ceased to be spoken at Jerusalem, or when 
the use of the Old Hebrew alphabet was finally abandoned. 

There are ancient Hebrew inscriptions in the square character 
near Jerusalem ; but there is no proof that any of them are earlier 
than the time of Constantine the Great, when the edicts of Hadrian 
were revoked, and the Jews were once more allowed to settle in the 
city. On the other hand, whenever the Jews struck national 
coins they always used the Hebrew language and the Old Hebrew 
character, even in the time of Hadrian. Just as upon the Sidonian 
bronze coins of the Seleucids we find the Phoenician inscription 
Qw~I!i7) and occasionally longer inscriptions in the same language 
and character. We can hardly imagine that Bar-Cochab, and his 
associate Eleazar, would have had their names and titles put upon 
their coins in characters that no one could read ; or that they would 
have taken the trouble to make such announcements as : " First year 
of the redemption of Israel," in a language and script that was 
utterly unintelligible to the Israelites of that period. When, more- 
over, we find upon the coins statements of value, such as "half," 
and " quarter," it is evident that the people who used this money 
were expected to read it. The capital of Amwas is another proof 
that the Old Hebrew character was intelligently employed at a very 

We should not forget the valuable work clone by Herren Guthe, Kautzsch, 
Socin and other German and French scholars, more especially in the elucidation 
of the text of the inscription. As, however, they have not developed theories 
differing from the above, it is not necessary to mention them specifically. 

167 



MA* 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

late period. This monument is the capital of a pillar, of a debased 
Ionic form, found at Amwas (Emmaus Nicopolis), between Joppa 
and Jerusalem. Upon one side it bears the Greek inscription 
Et's 0cos } upon the other the words Beruk shemo Vol am in the Old 
Hebrew character ; the letters being of the same shape as upon the 
coins of Bar-Cochab. Under the capital is the Latin letter S. The 
Greek and Hebrew are evidently intended to be read consecutively 
as "(There is) One God, blessed be His Name for ever." M. Clermont 
Ganneau ascribes this capital to the fourth century of the Christian 
era ; but this seems partially founded upon his idea that it came 
from a Christian church. If, as is far more probable, it came from 
a Jewish synagogue, it may be a century or so earlier. In any case 
it is a proof of the use of the Old Hebrew character at a late date. 
As M. Clermont Ganneau points out, the shapes ot the letters, and 
more especially the Vau, show that the inscription is not a Samaritan 
one, but that it is in the genuine Old Hebrew character.* 

Our knowledge of the Old Hebrew alphabet is derived from two 
sources, coins and gems. The coins of the Jews may be divided 
into three well-defined classes : — 

1. The bronze pieces of the Hasmonean princes. 

2. The silver shekels and half-shekels bearing on the obverse a 
cup, or chalice ; and upon the reverse a triple lily, with the legend 

Yerushalaim ha-qedoshah, "Jerusalem the Holy." 

3. All other Jewish silver and bronze coins bearing inscriptions 
in the Old Hebrew character. 

All these coins are fully illustrated and described in Mr. F. W. 
Madden's great work, Coins of the Jews (London, 1881); which 
book will be referred to as " Madden." 

(1.) There can be no question as to the date of the coins of 
Class 1, as they all bear the names of the princes who struck them, 
from John Hyrcanus, 135 B.C., to Antigonus, 37 b.c. They thus 
cover the period of a century ; and it is important to observe that 
the Jewish alphabet did not remain stationary during this period. 
It was not a fossil, but a living alphabet. The letters at the 
beginning of the Hasmonean century have a strong resemblance to 
those upon the sarcophagus of Eshmunazar, and the contemporary 
Phoenician coins ; the chief exceptions being the He and the Vau. 
But at the close of the century the coins of Antigonus give us an 

' Survey of W, Hern Palestine vol. iii, "Judaea" (London, 1883), pp. 64-81. 

168 



Proc. Soc. Bibl Arch., May, 1S97. 



PLATE I. 



CAPITAL OF AMWAS. 




GREEK INSCRIPTION— Efs Gcos. 




OLD HEBREW INSCRIPTION 



t-^hiyb io\y 7m. 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

alphabet almost exactly like that found upon the Yerushalaim 
qedoshah shekels. 

(2.) The Yerushalaim qedoshah shekels form a clearly marked 
type. They are well-designed, though somewhat rudely executed, 
and the lettering upon them is regular and correct, except upon the 
half-shekels, where the Qoph is often defective, and the He slightly 
distorted. The alphabet upon them differs materially from that of 
John Hyrcanus, and agrees with that of Antigonus. The coins of 
Hyrcanus and his successors are not dated till we come to the time 
of Antigonus, who uses Aleph and Beth to denote the first and 
second years of his reign. The years of issue of the Yerushalaim 
qedoshah shekels are denoted in the same way, from Nil? to TlXP, 
i.e., " Year 1 " to " Year 5." Three opinions have been expressed 
as to their epoch. 

(a.) M. de Saulcy ascribed these shekels to Ezra, on the strength 
of Ezra vii, 18 ; but this verse says nothing whatever about coining 
money. Further, from a numismatic point of view it is almost 
impossible to assign these Jewish shekels to so early a date. When 
we examine the coins of the fifth century B.C., we find them nearly 
invariably with an incuse square upon the reverse ; whereas these 
shekels possess a good reverse type. The word Shanah (year) does 
not occur upon Phoenician coins till 238 B.C., and the title " Holy" 
does not appear upon them until 176 B.C.* 

(b.) The Yerushalaim qedoshah shekels ha/e been ascribed to 
Simon Maccabeus on the strength of 1 Maccabees xv, 6, 7 ; and 
this view is adopted by Mr. F. W. Madden. But 1 Maccabees 
does not say that Simon actually struck coins ; and it adds that 
Antiochus VII (Sidetes) revoked the edict directly afterwards. The 
shekels are dated in Jive years, and Simon only lived three after the 
accession of Antiochus VII. 

(c.) Ewald, in 1855, suggested that the Yerushalaim qedoshah 
shekels were struck during the revolt of the Jews under Nero, a.d. 
66-70 ; and this view has been supported by Professor Emil Schiirer 
{History of the Jewish People, vol. ii, pp. 378-383) and Theodore 
Reinach (Les Monnaies Juives, Paris, 1888). 

As the Hasmonean bronze pieces present us with the only 
undisputed dated series of Jewish coins, it becomes necessary to 



* A Guide to the Principal Gold and Silver Coins of the Ancients, I>y 
Barclay V. Head (London, 1889), p. 93. 

160 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S97. 

enquire to which end of the series the shekels belong : whether they 
were struck before or after. If they were struck immediately before 
the accession of John Hyrcanus, we ought to find upon them exactly 
the same alphabet as is used by that prince. But the silver shekels 
are strikingly different in fabric, type, and alphabet, from the bronze 
coins of Hyrcanus. This seems fatal to their Maccabean authorship. 
On the other hand, when we examine the large bronze coins of 
Antigonus at the other end of the Hasmonean series, likenesses at 
once become apparent. The alphabet employed is almost identical 
with that of the shekels ; and the year of issue is denoted by letters 
of the Old Hebrew alphabet. It is not impossible that the cup or 
chalice upon the shekels was suggested by the form of the cornu- 
copias on the coins of Antigonus : at any rate the date occupies 
much the same place in both. The issue of sifoer coins was equiva- 
lent to a declaration of independence ; and if the Yerushalaim 
qedoshah shekels were struck after the time of Antigonus, we cannot 
suppose any earlier date than the period of the Neronian revolt, 
a.d. 66-70. As this rebellion broke out on the 17th of Iyyar, 
a.d. 66, when the Roman Governor was chased out of Jerusalem, 
and terminated on the 8th of Elul, a.d. 70, when the last quarter of 
the city was captured by Titus, it follows that it lasted four years 
and four months, which exactly corresponds with the fact that the 
Yerushalaim qedoshah shekels are struck in the years 1, 2, 3, 4, 
and 5. It is therefore evident that these shekels must be assigned 
to the revolt of a.d. 66-70. 

(3.) The remaining silver and bronze coins with Old Hebrew 
inscriptions bear dates in four years upon their reverses. They 
have a multiplicity of types ; and the names of Simon, or Simon, 
Prince of Israel, and Eleazar ha-Kohen. The alphabet employed 
is that of the Yerushalaim qedoshah shekels ; but as a rule the 
letters are carelessly formed, occasionally distorted, and sometimes 
upside down. Madden (p. 205) even shows a coin with the letters 
linked together, as in the Nabathean inscriptions. And most of the 
bronze coins of Eleazar have his name written backwards, as though 
the die-engraver were a Greek, who did not know that Semitic 
writing was read from right to left. The Hasmonean bronze coins 
exhibit several cases of careless lettering, but they are not so per- 
sistent as in the coins of this series. If Gentiles were employed 
as die engravers, this might be explained. The language upon 
the coins is Hebrew, but the letters of the names are often mis- 

170 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

placed. That Simon and Eleazar were contemporaries, is proved 
not only by their issuing coins with the same types or devices, but 
by the existence of coins bearing the name of Eleazar on one side, 
and Simon on the other (Madden, p. 201). The date of the coins 
is proved by the fact, that some of them are struck upon denarii of 
the Roman Emperors Vespasian, Titus, Domitian, Trajan, and 
Hadrian, portions of the old devices showing through. We can, 
therefore, only assign these coins to the period of the second Jewish 
revolt under Bar-Cochab, a.d. 132-135. This revolt broke out in 
the spring of a.d. 132, and was finally quelled in August, 135, thus 
lasting three years and a half. This agrees exactly with the fact 
that the coins bear dates in four years ; the rebellion ending in its 
fourth year. It is generally held by numismatists that the Simon 
whose name appears upon the coins is the same individual as is 
known in history by his surname of Bar-Cochab, and that Eleazar 
ha-Kohen was his uncle, Eleazar of Modem. Bar-Cochab did not 
have the treasures or the resources of a city like Jerusalem at his 
disposal, and that will account for his striking his devices over the 
Roman denarii. There are also indications that some of the bronze 
pieces were struck over Roman coins, and his shekels upon Greco- 
Roman tetradrachms. 

The different theories promulgated about the coins of Class 3 
will be found stated in Mr. Maddems great work. Mr. Madden 
assigns the coins of the fourth year of Bar-Cochab to Simon 
Maccabeus, and divides the others between the first and second 
revolts, though he candidly admits, that there are enormous difficulties 
in this division of the series, and quotes the opinions of Von Sallet 
and De Saulcy to the effect that they must all belong to one and the 
same period. If the Yerushalaim qedoshah shekels be admitted to 
belong to the first revolt, there should be no object in dividing the 
later bronze and silver pieces ; which can all be assigned to Simon 
Bar-Cochab in accordance with the evidence of their style and 
lettering, and the fact of some of them being struck over Roman 
coins. 

It therefore appears from the above remarks that the Jewish 
coins can be arranged in a series which gives us dated specimens of 
the Old Hebrew alphabet as used from 135 b.c. to a.d. 135, a 
period of 270 years. 

Our second source of information regarding the Old Hebrew 
Alphabet is the inscriptions upon engraved gems used as seals. 

171 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

Among these there is only one which can be definitely proved to be 
Jewish, and which can be definitely dated. This is the seal of 
" Haggai ben Shebaniah," in the possession of the Palestine 
Exploration Fund. This gem was discovered by Sir Charles 
Warren in 1868, among the foundations of Herod's temple at 
Jerusalem, at a depth of twenty-two feet from the present surface of 
the ground.* Its discoverer describes it as bearing " the name 
engraved in Hebrew of the transition period, supposed to be at 
least as old as the time of the Maccabees.'' Seeing, however, that 
the Temple of Herod was completed in 17 b.c, we are at least 
justified in assigning the seal to that date. This gem is very 
important for the present study, because the lettering upon it, as 
far as it goes, agrees exactly with the lettering of the Siloam 
Inscription. 

Having now indicated the sources of our information, it remains 
to describe the 

Table showing the Progress of the Old Hebrew Alphabet 

AFTER 135 B.C. 

Col. 1 shows the alphabet employed upon the statue of Hadad 
erected by Panammu bar Qarrul, King of Samala, and discovered 
by Dr. F. von Luschan in 1890 upon the mound of Gerjin, near 
Zenjerli. This monarch is mentioned upon the inscription of Bar- 
Rekub (whose alphabet is shown in column 2) about 730 b.c. ; and 
as he was at least the grandfather of the latter, his date may safely 
be placed about 800 b.c. The inscription of Panammu I, is 
therefore only removed from the Stela of Mesha by about half a 
century, and it is important to observe that the alphabet employed 
is almost identical with that of the Mesha Stela. This shows us 
that in the ninth century b.c. precisely the same alphabet was in use 
over the whole of the western Semitic area. 

Col. 2 shows the alphabet employed upon the statue of 
Panammu II, erected by his son Bar-Rckub, and discovered at 
Zenjerli by the German Expedition in 1889. As this inscription 
mentions that Panammu II died at Damascus, while serving in the 
army of Tiglath-pileser III of Assyria, who thereupon created 
liar Rekub king of Samala, the monument can be confidently dated 
730 B.C. It will be noted that this alphabet differs very slightly 

* Survey of Western Palestine, vol. vi, "Jerusalem " (London, 1884), p. 170. 

1 72 



PLATE II. 




















Table showing the Progress of 




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Proc. Sot'. Bibi 


'. Arch., May, 


1S97. 


;brew J 


Uphabet after 135 B.C. 








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^7 


V 


V 


? 


J 


— 





j 


3 


a 


n_ 


«^Z-r 


«--l^ 


^Vi 


m 


-fTT 


u 


^ 


? 


T 


• — 


V 


Y 


P 


*\ 


1 


1 


1 


4 


<=t 


n 


w 


w 


w 


00 


CO 


AAA. 


12? 


X 


X 


*~ ■ 


X 


\ 


A 


n 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

from that of column 1, and in the case of Kaph, Mem, and Nun it 
is more like the lettering of the Mesha Stela than column 1. 

Col. 3 gives a list of letters from the Assyrian lion-weights. 
They have been taken from the tables of Canon Taylor, in "The 
Alphabet," p. 227. They do not represent the characters upon any 
single inscription ; but have been specially chosen to show those 
forms which correspond most closely to the forms of the Siloam 
inscription, in order to favour the latter as much as possible. The 
only letters of importance, however, are the Vau and the Tan. 
These lion-weights are valuable on account of their definite dates, 
ranging from 745 B.C. to 681 B.C. On comparing the alphabets 
of this and the two preceding columns with the alphabet of the 
Siloam inscription, it will be seen that the Nt722!£ and p differ very 
materially. As there are only twenty letters in the Siloam inscription, 
these six represent a very large proportion. In other words, thirty 
per cent, of the letters of the Siloam inscription presetit forms which 
were unused and unknown in the seventh and eighth centuries B.C. 

Col. 4 gives the alphabet upon the well known sarcophagus of 
Eshmunazar, king of Sidon. This inscription is now assigned to the 
time of the Ptolemies, about 300 B.C., or slightly later. The great 
inscription of Yekhaumelek, king of Gebal (280 B.C.), is in the same 
character, which also agrees closely with the lettering of the Cyprian 
inscriptions of the third and fourth centuries B.C., in the British 
Museum.* 

Col. 5 shows the alphabet employed upon the coins of John 
Hyrcanus and Judas Aristobulus, 135-78 b.c This is the earliest 
Jewish alphabet to which a date can be definitely assigned. It 
agrees generally with that of Eshmunazar. The He and Vau, 
however, have peculiar forms of their own ; the Vau resembling that 
upon the capital of Amwas, mentioned above. The Kaph and Mem 
are the same as upon the contemporary Phoenician coins. 

Col. 6 shows the alphabet employed by Alexander Janneus and 
his successors, 78-40 B.C. In this alphabet the He of column 5 is 
still retained ; but the Vau has the shape of a cross with the head 
inclined to the left. The Z headed Vau of Hyrcanus, however, 
appears in some cases ; and Madden (p. 88) figures a coin with both 
varieties upon it, It would therefore seem that in the time of 

* Seeks Phonikische Inschriften aus Idalion, von Dr. Julius Euting. 
Strassburg, 1875. 

173 P 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

Alexander Janneus the fashion of the Van was just changing from 
the X head to the cruciform shape. The Kaph and Mem only 
differ from column 5 by having tails; but the Nun has an entirely 
fresh shape, unknown to the Phoenician inscriptions, and apparently 
modelled from the form of the Mem. Among his series of 
uncertain Jewish coins Mr. Madden figures two which he supposes 
to have the name of Alexander in Hebrew characters upon them. 
These coins, however, are hardly legible ; and the inscriptions, as 
reproduced, give forms of letters unknown to Semitic caligraphy ; 
we cannot, therefore, admit any of the characters copied from them, 
in the absence of better preserved specimens. 

Col. 7 shows the alphabet employed upon the large bronze 
coins of Antigonus (40-37 B.C.). Here the F shaped Aleph appears 
for the first time, and remains constant in the rest of the columns. 
This shape does not appear to be older than the fourth century B.C., 
when it appears upon the Phoenician coins. Hyrcanus (135-105 
b.c.) still employs the old bull-headed form, as shown in column 5, 
so that it would appear that the F shape was only adopted by the 
Jews in the first century b.c. At any rate, the first dated instance 
of its use is the coin of the first year of Antigonus, 40 B.C. The 
He of columns 5 and 6 is also abandoned, and we now have the 
standard Phoenician form with three bars. The Kaph, Man, and Nun 
have the same forms as upon the coins of Hyrcanus, except that they 
now have a horizontal stroke at the foot of the letter. This bottom 
stroke appears sporadically at an earlier period ; but after the time 
of Antigonus it became an essential part of the letter, as may be 
seen in columns 10 to 13. These forms of course took their rise in 
the curved tails which we see in the same letters upon the coins of 
Alexander Janneus. 

Col. 8 contains the letters found upon the seal of Haggai ben 
Shebaniah (b.c. 17), these are nunrP^tt?. The other letters have 
not been chosen on account of their resemblance to the characters 
upon the Siloam Inscription, but the object has been to complete the 
alphabet from as few, and as late seals as possible. They are, with 
the exception of the Pe, derived from gems figured by Dr. M. A. 
Levy ;* three of which are engraved in the plate accompanying this 
piper, and are described in detail later on. ")ft and p are taken 
from the gem in pi. Ill, fig. 2 ; "fi^ and }f from fig. 3, NTS and 

* Siegelund Gcmmcn (Breslau, 1869), Tafel III. 

174 



Proc. Sec. Bibl. Arch., May, 1897. 
PLATE III. 




Figl. 




Fig 2. 




Fig 3. 




Fig 4 




Fi|5. 




Fig 6. 




Fi£7. 




Fi|8. 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

J~i are from Dr. Levy's Taf. Ill, fig. 5, a gem which belongs to the 
period when the bull-headed Aleph was being replaced by the F 
form (i.e., about 100 B.C.), because both letters appear in it. The 
Pe is taken from the seal of Shekharkhor ben Zephaniah figured by 
Professor Wright.* This last gem has the Z headed Vau of 
Hyrcanus ; and is probably also about 100 B.C. It would have 
been an easy matter to compile an alphabet from the gems, agreeing 
in every essential particular with that of the Siloam Inscription, as 
only the Zain and Qoph used in the latter present any novel 
features. The letter Teth is not given in this column, because it 
does not occur upon the gems. Dr. Levy figures a seal, which he 
reads as " of Sariah, son of Ben-Samerner ; " and calls attention to 
the two Samekhs upon it as giving the form of the Old Hebrew 
Samekh. As however this inscription is plainly in the Aramean 
character, and not in the Old Hebrew alphabet at all, we cannot 
admit these two letters, although they are copied into the great table 
of Jewish alphabets contributed by Dr. Julius Euting to Chwolson's 
Corpus Inscriptionum.\ The letters upon the seal of Haggai are 
exactly the same as those of the Siloam Inscription. The Nun is 
particularly noticeable, as it has a special form. The He upon this 
seal has no tail, owing to its cramped position at the end of the 
line .; but normally the letter has a short tail. The form of the 
Zain in column 8 should be specially noted. It has one hook at 
the end, instead of the two hooks of the Siloam letter. The Mem 
in this column is not figured as the closest known to the Siloam 
form, but because it occurs on the gem in pi. Ill, fig. (2. Th 
tables of the Due de LuynesJ show that this is an earlier form than 
that of the Siloam Mem. 

Col. 9 gives the alphabet found upon the Siloam Inscription. 
The alphabets usually figured are mostly inaccurate, having been 
taken from printed copies, and not from casts of the actual inscrip- 

* Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. IV, p. 54. 

t Corpus Inscriptionum Hebraicarum, von D. Chwolson. (St. Petersburg. 
1882.) In the Babylonian and Oriental Record ("V "ol. I, p. 194) Protessor Sayce 
figures a seal containing a genuine Old Hebrew Samekh. The gem seems to be a 
Phoenician imitation of late Persian work ; and would therefore belong to the 
fourth century B.C., which is too early for our column. The Samekh has the 
shape shown in our column 2. There is a very similar gem in the British 
Museum, with the legend " Hodu the Scribe." 

% Essays on Indian Antiquities, by James Prinsep (London, 1858), Vol. II, 
p. 166. Essay by the Due de Luynes on " L' Alphabet Phenicien." 

175 P 2. 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1897. 

tion. The real forms of the letters can be seen in Professor Wright's 
photograph in the Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. IV, pp. 68, 69. 

The Siloam Aleph has the F shape, as first used upon the coins 
of Antigonus, 40 B.C. ; instead of the older bull-head form which was 
in use as late as the time of Hyrcanus. 

Beth has the same shape as upon the seal of Haggai ; this is 
the ordinary Phoenician form. 

Gimel is like that of Haggai ; the top bar not so sloping as upon 
the Hasmonean coins, and not straight as upon the shekels. 
Dakth is normal. 

He has the normal Phoenician form ; and is quite unlike the 
oldest dated Jewish He upon the coins of Hyrcanus. 

Van deserves special mention. This form occurs upon the 
lion-weights of Sargon (705 B.C.), and upon Jewish seals of apparently 
early date ; but, as we have seen, it was not used by Hyrcanus, and 
first appears on the Jewish coins of Alexander Janneus. Exactly 
the same form is employed upon the Yerushalaim qedoshah shekels, 
as may be seen by examining a good specimen. It is therefore 
certain that this particular form was in general use when the shekels 
were struck ; and it was the immediate parent of the modern 
Samaritan letter. 

Zain, it will be observed, has each of the horizontal strokes 
ending in a hook ; but the Zain in column 8 has onfy one hook. 
Column n shows the letter with the hooks exaggerated, and explains 
the genesis of the modern Samaritan form. Dr. Levy, of Breslau, 
in 1869, drew attention to the hooked Zain of the gem in pi. Ill, 
fig. 3, and pointed out that this was evidently the ancestor of the 
form on the coins of Bar-Cochab, and in the modern Samaritan 
alphabet. The discovery of the Siloam Inscription proves the 
contention of Dr. Levy to be right ; for it supplies the missing link 
in the shape of the double-hooked letter. This Zain, therefore 
informs us that the Siloam Inscription is earlier than Bar-Cochab ; 
but later than the gem in pi. Ill, fig. 3, which gem, as we shall see 
presently, is admitted by M. Joachim Menant to be of very late 
date. 

Khcth resembles the Kheth of Haggai on the one hand, and the 
same letter on the Nablus inscription on the other. 
Teih does not occur. 
Yod has the ordinary Phoenician form. 

Kaph resembles the same letter upon the seals. On the Phoenician 

176 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

coins we sometimes find it with one stroke in the head, sometimes 
two ; so that this does not appear to be a matter of much im- 
portance. 

Lamed is curved, as on most of the seals ; instead of being 
angular, as upon nearly all the coins. Madden (p. 90) figures a 
coin of Alexander Janneus in which the Lamed has the curved form, 
which is sufficient proof of the use of the curved form at a late date. 
The difference between the curved and the angular Lamed seems 
merely to be due to whether they are begun from the bottom or the 
top. Both forms are found at all periods. 

Mem. The tables of the Due de Luynes show that the Mem 
used in the Siloam Inscription does not appear upon the Phoenician 
coins before b.c. 312. The Mem in our column 8 is used from 
331 to 324 B.C., and is then succeeded by the Siloam type. 

JVun has a peculiar form, evidently modelled from that of the 
Mem. The Phoenician JVun never appears in this shape, but to the 
last retains the zig-zag form of our column 4. It will be observed 
that the seal of Haggai presents the same JVun as the Siloam 
Inscription. 

Samekh does not occur. 

Ain is not round like the early Phoenician form, but is shaped 
like an almond, as in column 8. This almond-shape eventually 
resulted in the triangular Ain of the modern Samaritan alphabet. 

Pe has much the same shape as upon the gems. 

Sade deserves special attention ; because it is a link in the chain 
which shows how the Phoenician Sade became the modern Samaritan 
letter. Column 8 shows us the Phoenician form. This, like the 
Zain, had a hook attached to its extremity, as may be seen in the 
seal of Shekharkhor figured by Professor Wright. The left-hand 
stroke then became shortened to a mere hook ; and in this modified 
form appears at Siloam. Exactly the same shape is used upon the 
Yerushalaim qedoshah half-shekels ; but in the coins of Bar-Cochab 
the left-hand stroke has disappeared altogether. The ancient 
Samaritan Sade of column 1 2 is evidently an ornamental modification 
of the Bar-Cochab letter ; and it is then but a step to the modern 
Samaritan of column 13. 

QopJi also calls for special mention. In the gems, as shown in 
column 8, the letter is shaped like a cross-bow. On the Yerushalaim 
qedoshah shekels it is somewhat like the Roman P. The Siloam 
letter is exactly intermediate between the two, and explains how the 

177 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

cross-bow attained the P shape, so characteristic of the modern 
Samaritan. 

Resh has its normal form. 

Shin has its usual Jewish form. The Phoenician letter was 
modified at an early date, as shown in column 4. 

Tau is in the shape of an X instead of being like a *J-, as in the 
coins of Alexander Janneus. The Siloam Tan is not exactly square, 
i.e., the limbs are not of equal length, but the lower left-hand stroke 
is a trifle elongated. This modification was probably made for the 
sake of ornament. 

It will be observed that the characters of the Siloam Inscription 
are carefully and ornamentally written, though the ornamental 
writing nowhere interferes with the standard shape of the letter. 
The letters 3Tft2 and Q are written with elegant double curves, as is 
the case with 3ft and Q in the modern Samaritan character. 

Col. 1 o shows the alphabet of the Yerushalaim qedoshah shekels. 
As before remarked, the Vau on these coins has the exact shape of 
the Siloam letter. Mr. Madden's table does not show this, but it is 
evident to anyone who examines the Vau upon a clear and well- 
preserved coin. The Yod often inclines on its face ; but this does 
not alter the shape of the letter. The Mem has a bottom bar, 
which should prove these coins later than the time of Hyrcanus, 
who uses the form shown in column 5. The Sade has the Siloam 
form. 

Col, n gives the alphabet of the Bar-Cochab coinage, which 
does not differ from that of column 10. The Vau has each of its 
limbs of equal length, but if the bottom stroke be lengthened, it will 
be seen that the letter is of the same cruciform shape as the 
preceding columns, though without the initial tick of Siloam, and 
the shekels. The Z headed Vau is confined to the coins of the 
fourth year. For the Zain, see Madden, p. 200, and the remarks on 
our plate, figs. 7 and 8. The Kaph introduces a new form, which, 
however, is supported by the Samaritan letter. The Nun occurs in 
two forms ; the most frequent being that of Antigonus, the other 
(occurring on the coins of Janneus) is probably due to Aramean 
influence. As a rule the variations in the forms of the letters on 
the Bar-Cochab coins are more due to carelessness than ignorance. 
It is evident that the alphabet of Bar-Cochab is not an artificial 
archaism, but that it exhibits the genuine transition from the Old 

178 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Hebrew to the Samaritan character, and stands midway between the 
two. 

Col. 12 gives the alphabet of the well known Samaritan 
inscription of Nablus, which contains the Ten Commandments, and 
has been built into the wall of a church founded by the Emperor 
Justinian, who came to the throne in a.d. 527. As will be seen, 
this alphabet agrees almost exactly with that of the Siloam inscription 
as far as Kheth. The Teth is added from another source. 

Col. 13 shows the Samaritan alphabet as printed in modern 
books. 

Description of Plate. 

Fig. 1. Jewish seal, inscribed H' , 2^ , iy X2 "0117 "of Haggai, 
son of Shebaniah." This has already been described. 

Fig. 2. Seal, inscribed QpV ]1 "Ptl^/ " of Asayu, son of 
Yoqim." On the reverse is the device of Harpocrates seated on the 
lotus. The original is engraved upon rock-crystal, and is preserved 
in the British Museum (Semitic Room, Table-case P>, No. 1025). 
It was acquired from the Pollini collection at Florence. The name 
Asayu is related to the form " Asaiah " of 2 Kings xxii, 12. The 
full form of both would be " Asa-Yahu " — made by Yahveh. Yoqim 
appears in the same form as on the gem in 1 Chron. iv, 22. It is a 
contraction of " Yeho-yaqim " (2 Kings xxiii, 34) — Yahveh sets up. 
The words are divided from one another by a short shallow stroke 
(omitted in the engraving for the sake of clearness). Both the Yods 
bave hooked tails. The Vans have the characteristic cruciform 
shape. The Qoph is formed like a crossbow, and the Mem has the 
shape of the letter upon the Phoenician coins of Alexander the Great. 

Fig. 3. Seal, inscribed y^mSt*? " of Zekarhoshea." This 
looks a strange name ( ; ' Memorial of Deliverance"), but is formed 
in the same way as the biblical Zechariah. The original gem is in 
the British Museum (Semitic Room, Table-case B, No. 1043). It 
is a green jasper, in scarabaeus form. From the shape of the letters 
M. de Vogue considered this seal to have been engraved in the 
reign of Titus : but M. Joachim Menant * thinks this is exaggerated, 
although he admits that it belongs to a very late period. The chief 
feature of the lettering is the hooked Zain. The Van resembles the 

* " Recherches sur la Glyptique Orientate," par M. Joachim Menant. 
(Paris, 1886.) Second Partie, p. 236. 

179 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1S97. 

Siloam, but is not cruciform. It will be noted in these two gems 
that there was a tendency to add hooks to the end strokes of the 
letters at this period ; just as we find them in the Siloam Zain and 
Sadc. 

Fig. 4. Obverse of bronze coin of John Hyrcanus (weight 3 1 
grains). Within a wreath is the inscription — 

DTPn -am ttttn hmn jran pmm 

"Yehokhanan, the High Priest, Chief, and Khaber of the Jews." 
This coin shows the alphabet employed by the Jews in the second 
century b.c. The He and Van are peculiar, and the Aleph has not 
the F shape of later times. 

Fig. 5. Reverse of bronze coin of Antigonus (weight 186 
grains). Around a double cornucopia ""p" "On ?"T3 tH2 mAnft 
" Mattathiah, High Priest, Khaber of the Jews. 1 ' Between the 
cornucopias Nt^ — "first year." The letter preceding the Aleph is 
an Aramaic form of the Shin, and probably adopted here for the 
sake of distinction, just as we find upon Greek coins the sign L 
preceding dates. The Yods on this coin are inverted ; but this 
mistake is corrected in the subsequent issues of Antigonus. The 
difference between the alphabet of this coin and that of fig. 4 will be 
marked. 

Fig. 6. Obverse of silver shekel of the Yerushalaim qedosJialt 
type (weight 219 grains). In the centre is a chalice surrounded by 
the words 7N"1\I^ ,p\tf " Shekel of Israel," and surmounted by 
ntl* for "Year 5." If a century had not separated these two coins, 
we might have suspected that the chalice of the shekel had been 
suggested by the Seleucid cornucopia; of the bronze pieces of 
Antigonus. There is certainly a superficial resemblance, and the 
year of issue occupies much the same place in both. A shekel of 
the year 5 has been chosen for illustration, because the obverse 
presents us with both fr$ and H which may be compared with those 
upon the coin of Antigonus, as contrasted with the lettering of 
Hyrcanus. 

Fig. 7. Obverse of bronze coin of Fleazar (weight 99^ grains). 
A palm tree with the inscription pan ""l-ti^/N ; evidently meant 
for " Eleazar ha-Kohen ; " but the Nun has been misplaced ; and 
the Kaph has had two bars of the preceding He attached to it by 
the ignorance or carelessness of the engraver. This is like the coin 
illustrated by Madden, p. 200 ; and it is engraved here through the 

180 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

courtesy of Sir John Evans, F.R.S., who has kindly supplied the 
writer with an impression. The bronze coins of Eleazar occur in 
two forms : one with the name reversed, and the other with the 
name in the proper direction ; although both bear the same types 
of a palm tree, copied from the coins of the Roman Procurators, 
Coponius and Annius Rufus. The coin in the possession of Sir 
John Evans has the name in the right direction, and, being well 
struck, and in excellent preservation, gives the true form of the Zain 
of the time of Bar-Cochab. Mr. Madden's illustration is not quite 
correct in the shape he gives to this letter. Some other coins of 
the same class are illustrated in Madden, p. 199; but, being 
probably badly preserved specimens, they do not exhibit the letters 
so clearly. 

Fig. 8. Obverse of bronze coin of Eleazar (weight 93 grains). 
A palm tree with the reversed inscription Nt'^'P rOn 1 ! " Eleazar 
ha-Kohen." This is the class usually illustrated ; and the incorrect 
form of the Zain upon it is the one generally ascribed to Bar-Cochab. 
The same form appears upon the silver pieces. 

The earliest inscription of Zenjerli, and the Mesha Stela prove 
to us that in the ninth century B.C. the same alphabet was in use in 
Northern Syria and in Southern Palestine. The letters of the 
second Zenjerli inscription (730 B.C.) do not differ very materially; 
and we may assume that the Jewish alphabet of the eighth century 
B.C. closely resembled it. But on comparing it with the Siloam in- 
scription we find most serious divergences. If the Siloam alphabet is 
really to be dated 700 B.C., we are compelled to assume that at that 
period the Jewish alphabet exhibited forms which did not develope 
in the Phoenician till centuries later ; and other forms which never 
developed in the closely related Phoenician alphabet at all. We are 
also compelled to assume that, after this early advance, the Jewish 
alphabet reverted to the Phoenician type as shown on the Hasmonean 
coins, and then suddenly re-developed the Siloam peculiarities at 
the beginning of the Christian era, and passed these peculiarities 
into the Samaritan alphabet. Such assumptions are of course 
absurd; and the only other alternative is to admit .that the In- 
scription of Siloam is much later than 700 B.C. 

Our table of alphabets shows that paleographically the Siloam 
Inscription falls somewhere near the beginning of the Christian era. 
The tunnel of Siloam can only have been executed by some person 
of authority ; and the same remark applies to the inscription. The 

181" 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1897. 

latter is not a mere graffito^ but an elegantly engraved piece of 
sculpture, set out by a skilful writer. It is carved upon the lower 
half of a tablet specially cut in the rock. The upper half was 
evidently intended to bear a Greek translation. If this Greek 
portion had been cut, as in the bi-lingual Amwas capital, it would 
have saved a great deal of discussion ; but for some reason it was 
never added. As the lettering of the Siloam Inscription is so like 
that upon the seal of Haggai, found among the foundations of the 
Temple of King Herod, the most likely hypothesis is that both the 
Siloam tunnel and the inscription were the work of Herod. The 
death of the king was most probably the cause of the sudden 
cessation of the Avork, and the reason why the tablet was only half 
completed. This would make the true date of the Siloam In- 
scription to be the year 4 B.C., as Herod the Great died in that year 



The Society has been indebted to the Palestine Explora- 
tion Fund for permission to reproduce the capital of Amwas ; 
and to Mr. E. J. Pilcher for the illustrations of this paper. 




]S2 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



A COPTIC SPELL OF THE SECOND CENTURY. 

By F. Legge. 

The great magic papyrus of the Bibliothegue Nationak contains 
a spell or formula of exorcism, written partly in Greek and partly in 
Coptic words expressed in Greek characters, which seems to have 
more interest for archaeologists than most ot these relics of super- 
stition. Dr. Karl Wessely gave an English version of part of it in 
the Expositor of 1886 (Series 3, Vol. IV, pp. 194 sqq.), and 
transcribed the whole text in his Griechische Zauberpapyrus von 
Paris und London (Wien, 1888, pp. 75, 76). In his preface to the 
latter, he also gave a French version of part of the Coptic words by 
M. Revillout. Unfortunately, it was so badly revised for the press 
that M. Revillout's transcription of the Coptic agrees neither with 
the original nor with his own translation. As reproduced by 
Wessely, the spell runs thus : — 

1227 rr pages yevvaia €K(3a\\ovcra Souju,o^a<? 
\oyos XeyojJLEvos em tt/s Kec^aX^s avrov 
/3a\e e/xTrpocrOep avrov Kkoivas eAaiag 

1230 /cat omcrdev avrov crraOeis Xeyets 

X aL P e 4 )V0V ^ L n a.fipaa[A • X aL P e 7TV0V 
re It ioraK Y aL P e Kvovre It ia/cw/3 
'irjcrovs rr yp-qaros m ayios It trvevp^a 
xbLrjpivcfiLOjOeOcraprjL It tcracr^e 

1235 eOaayovv It icracr<£t • eva taco era 
fiaaiO fxapererep (^ojx crw/3t? a 
/3oX airo rov f # o-arerevvovad rral 
77 aKa6apros It Sai/JLWV m o~aoava<; 

* The usual sign for the person in whose behalf the spell is said. This and 
the three preceding words have apparently got out of place. 

183 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

eOrj'icoOff) * e^opKL^w ere haipov 
1240 ecTLuecTLuroTovuet + /caret tovtov 

tov 0eov aal3ap/3ap/3aBt.(o0 era/Sap 
(3ap(3a0LOv0 • crafiapfiapfiaOioivriO 
cra./3apj3apf3a<fjaC e£ek0e • Soupov 

OCTTIS 7TOT OVV €t KO.I aTTOO~T~f]0l OLTTO TOV T 

1245 apn apTL 7)$r)-e£ek0e Sacpov 

e-nret ere Secrpeva) Seeryxots aSapavTLvois 
aXvrots /cat 7rapahiocopL ere ets to pe 
kav ^aog ev rats a7rcoXtat<> : ttoltjo-ls 
Z, Kkwvas eXata? apa? rag /xei/ e^ 

1250 o-qcrov ovpav /cat Kefyakrjv ev ko.0 ev 
to) Se ei^t Sepe e^opKL^cov tepvfie 
enpa)(0r} ei<fiakcov irepiaiTTe tov 
-^ (f)vXaKTrjpLov oTrep tWtjo-lv o Kapvu) — 

p€.TOL TO €K/3a\€LV TOV OOLLpOVO. ZTTL 

1255 Kaacmepivov ireTakov ravra 
f3cop (ficop (f)op fia<f)op (f>op/3a 
fies yapiv /3av ficoTe tjjcop /3cop(f)op 
/3a- (f)op/3al3op/3a<fiop(3a (f)a/3pcn,r) 
(f)0)p/3a. <f)ap/3a (fxop (f)cop <f)op/3a • 

1260 /3co(f)op(f)op/3a <f)op(f)o<f)op/3a ' 
f3a>/3op(3op{3a 7rap(f)opl3a (frcop 
(j)Q)p(j)a)p/3a (pvka^ov tov ^ /cat 
aXXo e^et (fovkaKTrjptov ottov to o~r) 
peiov tovto ^ . . . . (nine lines blank). 

1 propose to restore this as follows : — 

TJpa^Lq yevvaia e'/c/3aXXovcra Scu/xova?. 

Adyos keyopevos eVi, Trjs Ketfxxkrjs avTov. BaXe epnpocrBev 

* This seems to be COUXy = A!0/o\'r. So, in the Pistis Sophia (p. 367 

Copt.), the fiend who presides over one of the hells is called Ethiopian Ariuth. 

t Evidently a mistake of the scribe's. The proper phrase is used four linc^ 
later. 



.May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

avTov kXcovcls eXcuas /ecu omcrOev avTov o~Ta0els Xeyeis 

3CAipe nrtoTTe it <L.ftp£.<LJui x^- ! P e nrtoTTre it ic<lk 
^CAipe nitcnrre it i<lkcjo& ihcottc nxpHcxoc ni 
<*jfioc it TUtexiuuL najHpi itcbiurr eT~c<L,p,pHi it ic<sxne 
€Trc<L£ J o'*it it ic^cne ert<L i^a? c^iLLaoe JULA.peTeT- 
ert<ToJUL ccuftic cy^TeTertrtoTX e&oX <ltio tott 
^emi n<s,i n ^.K^e^pToc it 2^muium ni c^/r^-it^c 

eouuctj. 'E^op/a^co ere, Salfxov, ocrrt? 77or' ow et, KaTa 
rovrov rot) #eov <ra/3apj3a0L(DT o-a/3ap/3a0Lov0 crafiap- 
ftadi(ovr)0 cra/3apf3a(f)aL. EgeXOe, oouixov, octtls ttot 
ovv el, koll airocrTiqOe diro tov Selva. " Kpri, apri, yjSrj 
e£e\0e, Salfxov, iirel ere Secr/xeva) Secrfxols aSafxavTLV0L<; 
aXvTOLS kolI TTapaSiSoj/jLL ere els to fxeXav ^ao? ev rat? 

UotT7 crt?. 

Z, kXwvgls eXaia.9 d'pas ■ ra? jxev e£ Stjcrov ovpdv koX 
KecfxxXrjv ev kol6' ev • tco Se evl, hepe e^opKL^cov KpvJ3rj. 
E7Tpd^0rj eK$a\a)v. YiepiaTrre tov Seiva <f>vXaKTrjpLov 
oirep riQ-qaiv \Jv\ (0 kol/xvov /xerd to eK/BaXetv tov Sai/xova 
errl KacrcriTepivov TreTaXov raura. Bcop cfxop k. t. X. 
<&vXdt;ov tov Selva koll dXXb e^el <f>vXaKTrjpLOv ottov to 
crrjfxeiov tovto 

which may be thus translated : — 

" Famous process for casting out spirits. 
" A spell to be said over his (i.e., the patient's) head. 

" Strew olive-branches before him, and taking up your station 
behind him, say : — Hail, God of Abraham ! Hail, God of Isaac ! 
Hail, God of Jacob ! Jesus the Merciful, the Holy Spirit, the Son of 
the Father who is below Lo-she-hath-been who is within Lo-she- 
hath-been-and-will-be, Jaho Sabaoth, may your Power laugh at you 
until you have cast forth from such-an-one this unclean spirit, this 
Ethiopian Satan. I adjure thee, spirit, whoever thou art, by this 
God Sabarbathiot, etc. Come forth, spirit, whoever thou art, and 
keep thou far from such-an-one ! At once ! At once ! Come forth, 

18S 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S97. 

O spirit, even now, for I bind thee with adamantine bonds never to 
be loosed, and I deliver thee to the black Chaos among the lost ! 

" Ceremony. 

"Join together seven olive-branches. Bind the six root to tip 
one by one, but thrash* with the remaining one, exorcising the 
while under your breath. Here ends the casting-out. Tie on the 
patient when they are in place an amulet, on which engrave after the 

spirit has been cast out these words ' Baubo, nourisher 

of oxen, nourisher of all things protect such-an-one ! T 

And have another amulet when this sign " 

The spell appears to have been copied with some care, and the 
instances of iotacism are not very numerous. Why a solitary -n- 
should have been placed before the word aKoOapros is not easy to 
see. Otherwise, the rendering of the Coptic words by Greek letters 
comes out pretty much as might be expected, the it and the (f being 
apparently the only two sounds that the scribe found the Greek alpha- 
bet unable to represent. The word " Isaspe," which has not, I think, 
been met with elsewhere, seems capable of being decomposed into 
6IC: Ecce, &.C (Fern. Pref. 3 sing, first Perf.), and TIG: esse, and I have 
so treated it. The word " Isaspe-ena," from the middle of which 
something seems to have been omitted seems to be the same word, 
with the sign of the Second Future added. " Isaspe " is (if I am 
right in my guess) a phrase made into a divine name in the manner 
of those in the Book of the Dead. One is tempted to see in it the 
EIEAZEREIE (HTr'^ Ttttt* HVlN) of Exod. iii, 14, so frequently 
met with in Ceremonial Magic, or the o wv kcli o >)i> koi ipj(ofievoi 
of Rev. i, 4, a name which is perhaps compounded and declined in 
the same way. But it should not be forgotten that the statue of Isis 
at Sais bore, according to Proclus (in Tim. i, 30 D), an inscription 
to the effect that the goddess was all that had been, was, and would 
be (t« ovTii kcu t« iffofieva ical ra tyeryovoTa c~jiv eifii), and it is 
probable that it is this which is referred to. Of the four divine 
names all beginning with the dissyllable sabar, I can make nothing, 
nor do I know to what language they can be referred. The words 
written on the amulet are, however, a reproduction of an invocation 
to Hecate to be found in another part of the same papyrus, although 
they have here been so much corrupted that only the words Bavfiw, 

* The use of the stick as a remedy for demoniac possession, or in other words 
hystero-epilepsy, is well-known among savages, and is said to be efficacious. 

186 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

/3ov(t)ofj(3i}, 7rdfi<f>opftrj, can be distinguished. The reference to the 
" Power " of Jesus seems to refer to the gospel of Peter, where the 
words of Mark xv, 34, are altered into " My Power ! My Power ! 
Why hast thou forsaken me ! " 

The papyrus is, according to Wessely, to be attributed to the 
" very earliest years " of the fourth century, and he thinks the spells 
it contains are at least a century earlier. The one in the text can 
hardly have been composed after the time of Tertullian, for the 
confusion of the Second with the Third Person of the Trinity, an 
error of which Clement of Alexandria has been accused, was at an 
end in his day, as may be gathered from his treatise against Praxeas 
(c. I, t. ii, p. 164 Migne). The author was certainly a professional 
exorcist, or his spell would hardly have found its way into what is 
practically a book of magical recipes. The words " God of 
Abraham," etc., give us no clue to his nationality, since we know 
from Origen (cont, Celsus IV, c. 33) that these words were used 
not only by the Jews, but by "almost all those who busy themselves 
with incantations and magical rites." Such spells as these are often 
called Gnostic, but there is nothing in our text to connect it with 
any of the Gnostic sects described by the Fathers. The irreverent 
tone of the adjuration to Jesus would certainly not have been 
employed by any Christian Gnostic, while it rather suggests the 
imprecations which the Egyptian magicians are said by Porphyry to 
have used to their gods. It is therefore most probable that the 
author was an Egyptian, and the date not later than 200 a.d. 

In this connection, the use as an amulet of an invocation to 
Hecate is extremely suggestive. In the longer invocation from 
which it is apparently copied, Hecate is addressed as (fipovin) or 
"she-toad." Miller {Melanges de Litterature Grecqtie, Paris, 1868, 
pp. 442, 460), sees in this an allusion to the attitude in which the 
Eleusinian Baubo* is sometimes represented. But it should not be 
forgotten that the Egyptian goddess Hek-t was represented with the 
head of a frog or toad, and it is possibly she who was introduced into 
the Eleusinia under the name of Hecate. No really satisfactory 
etymology of the name of Hecate has yet been given, and it may be 
that it was only a Graecised form of the word Hek-t. If this be so, 
the patron goddess of sorcery, as she appears in Macbeth, would 
seem to have had an Egyptian origin. 

* In all the spells of the Post-Christian Magic Papyri, Baubo and Hecate are 
j treated as the same person. 

187 



May 4 ] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 



YOUNG AND CHAMPOLLION. 

The substance of a paper read on Tuesday, June 2nd, 1896. 
By Sir P. le Page Renouf. 

Is it necessary, or even desirable, in this last decade of the 
century, to take serious notice of attacks directed against a name so 
imperishable as that of the founder of Egyptian Philology and 
Archaeology ? 

It is most natural that the question should be asked, but there 
are imperative reasons for answering it in the affirmative. 

The policy of silent contempt is too often of no avail in opposi- 
tion to the potent vitality of a lie or mendacious insinuation, put 
forth on what is ignorantly supposed to be respectable authority. 
And such lies cannot be too vigorously stamped out. The grossest, 
though perhaps not most offensive, form of the recent attack upon 
Champollion proceeds indeed from anonymous journalism, but it 
was suggested by a book issuing from a press justly supposed to be 
of great authority,* and my attention to it was first called by the 
plaintive expostulation of a French Egyptologist, who actually 
seemed to acknowledge "les defaillances du maitre " ! 

Few men of the present generation have read either Young's 
writings or the earlier ones of Champollion. It is only at second 

* On opening this book, which at best is a mere crambe rcpetita of what others 
have rightly or wrongly said, my eyes fell upon an Egyptian list of Roman 
Emperors with transcriptions. These transcribed names are followed by netx, or 
J!c//'x, as English names are by Esq. No explanation is given of this mysterious 
word except in dots ( ). The original consists of two easy and very 

/WWW ^ 

common Egyptian words, * j enta hau, 'who protecteth,' or "the Pro- 

tector. ^ JvY is the Egyptian lor i.a>rj/<> in the title of the first 

Ptolemy. The author confounds two words into one which is not Egyptian, and 
cannot recognize the ideographic sign /v— =* • 

[I take the liberty of reading the sign \\ as = a, as the Egyptians did, e.g., 
in the names of VespAsian and NervA, in the titles Autokrator (Hadrian) and 

\\ 



Khisar (Trajan), and in the verb *B •$■ h\i(, as it is written with the name 
of Hadrian.] ^- 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

hand that most people know anything about the history of hiero- 
glyphic discovery ; and this secondhand information is generally 
most inaccurate. I hope, therefore, that the present Essay may be 
of use in correcting misstatements or misconceptions. 

Most of the attacks upon Champollion belong to an early period, 
that is before the revival under M. de Rouge, and therefore before 
one could guess what a splendid future lay before the science. 
Even Klaproth's " Examen " was published before the appearance 
of Champollion's Grammar. George Long did not believe that with 
Champollion's theory of the combination of phonetic and symbolic 
signs it would ever be possible to make out the meaning of a single 
text. Mr. Leitch, to whom English readers are indebted for the 
translations of two important works of Karl O. Miiller, published 
in 1852 the works of Dr. Young. The third volume of this 
publication contains Young's writings on hieroglyphics and some 
correspondence of his upon the subject. The text is accompanied 
throughout with notes containing the most virulent accusations and 
special pleadings against Champollion, whose most innocent sayings 
and doings are preposterously interpreted. Mr. Leitch deals with 
Champollion as Mr. Serjeant Buzfuz dealt with the " systematic 
villainy " of Mr. Pickwick. And this volume is the quarrv whence 
recent detractors have gathered stcnes or pellets, wherewith to 
assault the memory of a great man. 

All the accusations hang together, and they depend upon the 
altogether imaginary hypothesis that Champollion was a lying sneak, 
an infamous scoundrel, a " systematic villain," and a pitiful scholar 
who could not get on by himself. " He took years to arrive at the 
position occupied by Young in a few months," * " he appropriated 
Young's discoveries," "he appropriated, of course without acknow- 
ledgment, the enchorial discoveries of Akerblad." " Nothing can 
exceed his effrontery." " His charlatanerie and literary dishonesty 
are acknowledged by the most eminent of his countrymen, such as 
de Sacy and Letronne." " If Young had taken the trouble of 
getting his essay printed as a separate publication, there would have 
been less doubt in the minds of scholars as to the good work 
which he did, and results borroived from it by Champollion would 
have been more easily identified." A full acknowledgment by 

* We are here reminded of the fable of the Hare and Tortoise, with the 
curious additional facts that on being distanced the Hare became paralysed, 
whilst the Tortoise acquired more than a fifty-Hare-power of speed. 

189 Q 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1897. 

Champollion of what Young had done (that is, in sensic auctoris, 
what Champollion had borrowed from Young), " would have in no 
way injured or lessened his own immortal fame." 

Champollion of course never acknowledged that he had borrowed 
from Young ; and there must be a very peculiarly delicate sense of 
honour in a writer who thinks that immortal fame may be acquired 
by one who has done the shameful things (lying, for instance) laid 
to the charge of Champollion. We have all been taught that "the 
name of the wicked shall rot ! " 

It is right to say that Young is not accountable for these 
calumnies. He may be quoted in disproof of many of them. He 
claimed priority of publication, but did not accuse Champollion of 
borrowing or of anything dishonourable. And if he thought 
Champollion did not do sufficient justice to him, this is because he 
never understood the essential difference between their modes of 
operation. He considered it a question of less or more. It was a 
question of " quomodo ? " 

The real difference is most felicitously expressed by Champollion's 
bitter personal enemy. After mentioning Young's success with re- 
ference to the names of Ptolemy and Berenice, Klaproth proceeds 
to say :— 

" La sagacite du savant anglais n'alla pas au dela de cette 
rencontre heureuse, et il laissa a son competiteur en France la gloire 
qui peut s'attacher a line decouverte raisomiee et soumise it la demon- 
stration." 

And this essential difference was at once seen by such acute men 
of science as Young's two friends Silvestre de Sacy and Arago. 

Champollion's process is strictly demonstrative, but it has no 
sense whatever unless the steps of the process are taken in the order 
in which they are described by the discoverer himself. And the 
very first step of the process is acknowledged as unassailable by 
Young himself. It was not one of which he could claim to be the 
discoverer. No one who understands the process and sees the 
conclusions to which it necessarily leads can dream of such nonsense 
as the charge of plagiarism. 

Plagiarism is a very base and dishonourable thing, and it is the 
more detestable when it is united with habits of evil speaking, lying 
and slandering, envy, hatred, malice, and all uncharitableness. It is 
not however in Champollion that we have to look for the im- 
personation of all these unenviable habits. 

190 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

When a schoolboy is suspected of having "borrowed" his 
neighbour's "results," it is only fair to ask if he was unable to arrive 
at these results independently, and also to see whether he has copied 
the neighbour's mistakes as well as the right results. No intelligent 
schoolmaster would condemn a boy who had worked a sum correctly, 
because some of his figures (which were right) were the same as 
those of a neighbour, all whose other figures were wrong. A plagi- 
arist never fails to copy the mistakes. 

Which of Young's mistakes has Champollion copied ? 

Young had thoroughly satisfied himself, he tells us, of Cham- 
pollion's capability to arrive at independent results, by his decipher- 
ment of the name of Cleopatra, and of Apollonius and the other 
witnesses to the 'Casati Contract,' names corresponding to those in 
the Greek translation which Champollion had not seen, but which 
came through Mr. Grey into the hands of Young. All these names, 
through his long and accurate study of the three different kinds 
of Egyptian writing, Champollion was able to transcribe into 
hieroglyphic. 

His method of decipherment is in fact as rigorously apodeictic, 
step by step, as that of any mathematical demonstration that can 
be named. No one who understands it can possibly talk about 
"borrowed results." It is a method which no more admits of 
" borrowing " than the binomial theorem or the extraction of the 
cube root. And it is only a quack who at the present day can write 
that if Young had " taken the trouble of having his article [Egypt] 
printed as a separate publication, there would have been less doubt 
in the minds of scholars as to the good work which he did, and 
results borrowed from it by Champollion would have been more 
easily identified." 

What is the " good work " done by Young ? To what has it led ? 

" Le peu de place que sa methode tient dans la science hiero- 
glyphique se prouve clairement par sa sterilite ; elle ne produisit pas 
la lecture d'un seul nom propre nouveau [or of any other word], 
et Ton peut affirmer hardiment que tous les sceaux du livre mysterieux 
etaient encore fermes lorsque Champollion etendit la main pour les 
briser." This judgment of M. E. de Rouge * will certainly not be 
questioned by any competent person. 

Young's "work" lay not in decipherment but in conjectural 

Discours a Pouvertitre da cours d ' Archeologie Egyptienne, an College <ie 
France, 19 Avril, i860, p. 12. 

191 Q 2 



May 4] SOCIETY" OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

identification. His decipherment is only identification of letters 
instead of words. This process of identification will, I think, be 
made intelligible by its application to another kind of writing than 
the Egyptian. 

A person wholly unversed in the language of China might easily 
discover the name of Abraham in a Chinese New Testament. It 
occurs in the first verse of St. Matthew, and again in the following 
verse. The only group of Chinese characters corresponding to it 
must be jS f^ J& ?£• There can be no doubt whatever on the 
subject, and fifty persons or five hundred might independently 
arrive at the same inevitable conclusion. No one but an ignoramus 
could venture to assert that one of these must have borrowed from 
another, even if one of them had first proclaimed his discovery. It 
is in the same way demonstrable that the Chinese ^ throughout the 
chapter corresponds to "begot." All the proper names in the 
chapter may in like manner be identified, and there is no difficulty 
in determining the Chinese words for ' husband ' ' wife,' ' mother,' 
'son,' 'angel of the Lord,' 'fourteen generations' and others. A 
close inspection might also enable one to detect certain grammatical 
forms, such as $} as a sign of the 'genitive,' or as the termination 
of an adjective. All this may be done by a person unable to read 
a word of the language, and it may be done by ever so many 
independent enquirers, who might, if they thought it worth their 
while, draw up the " Rudiments of a Chinese Vocabulary " just as 
Young drew up the " Rudiments of a Hieroglyphical Vocabulary " in 
the famous article Egypt in the Encyclopedia Britannica. But rash 
persons might easily commit themselves to faulty identifications. 

Identification as I have just described it is not decipherment. 

Silvestre de Sacy pointed this out to Young in a letter written 
in January, 18 16 : — 

" Je crois bien que Ton peut souvent determiner, comme vous 
l'avez fait, la place qu'occupe dans I'inscription Egyptienne 
alphabetique (he means the demotic) tel mot de I'inscription 
Grecque comme on le ferait pour une inscription purement 
hie>oglyphique ; mais indiquer ensuite la valeur des lettres dont le 
mot se compose, en fixer la lecture, le presenter en tout autre 
caractere, hie labor, hoc opus est." * 

* This was the view of Ch'ampollion. "Pour quelq'un qui aurait fait une 
longue etude du texte dimotique de Rosette, il ne pouvait rester douteux, a la 
premiere inspection du texte hieroglyphique que le cartouche renfermait le nom de 

192 



n 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Akerblad wrote to Young, as we shall see shortly, very much to 
the same effect ; and the criticism of these two scholars may be 
applied to the "Specimens of Hieroglyphics," which in the year 
1823 Young reprinted from his article Egypt, as Appendix II to 
his Discoveries in Egyptian Literature. Of these "Specimens" 
most are composed of ideographic signs ; none of these have been 
deciphered, all have been identified, with more or less success. The 
identifications are sometimes so true that a dabbler in hieroglyphics 
might be tempted to say, "Dear me! Champollion must have 
borrowed this." But the dabbler who so judges cannot be aware 
of the enormity of his own dullness. The true identifications are 
extremely easy and could hardly be missed by any one of average 
skill. If Young had been wise he would have confined his attempts 
to cases where success was certain. But it is noteworthy and 
significant that he breaks down most thoroughly where ' alphabetic ' 
characters form part of the word. (I A/WVVA j s " Qeristes (or Cer- 
berus "), while |^ is"Anubis," (j%^^ (sic) is " Tetrarcha," 
is "Greek," ^ is "respectable," 4^} is "father," 

and out of 8 Vijfl ne makes out D Q " loving " and \>> " Ptah." 

The secret of his success and of his failure is plain enough. He 
worked mechanically, like the schoolboy who finding in a transla- 
tion that Anna virumque means " Arms and the man," reads Anna 
" arms," virum " and," que " the man." He is sometimes right 
but very much oftener wrong, and no one is able to distinguish 
between his right and his wrong results until the right method has 
been discovered. 

Out of all Young's identifications of the royal names only two are 
exceptions to the general failure. It is only in consequence of 
Champollion's successful method that we can point out exactly 
what is right and what is wrong in what Young says about these 
names. 

Ptolemy is the only royal name in the hieroglyphic text of Rosetta, 
and there could be no difficulty about its identification. It is not 

Ptolemee. Mais une decouverte veritable, ce serait d'avoir reellement hi ce nom 
hieroglyphique, c'est-a-dire, d'avoir fixe la valeur propre a chacun des caracteres 
qui le eomposent, et de telle maniere que ces valeurs fussent applicables partout 
011 ces memes caracteres se presentent." Precis, p. 22. 

J 93 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1897. 

Champollion only, but Klaproth who says, "Tout le monde avait 
reconnu dans cette inscription la place qu'occupait le nom de 
Ptolemee ; et on avait indique de meme sur d'autres monuments les 
cadres ou cartouches qui devaient contenir ceux de Berenice et 
Arsinoe." 

But it does not follow that because we know that a certain 
Egyptian group represents the name of Ptolemy, we can at once infer 
the value of the letters. Each sign is like one of the unknown 
quantities in an equation, and its value has to be proved. The 
Chinese name of Abraham, as I have said, is most easily discovered, 
but no one could possibly guess that the characters of which it is 
composed are Ia-pch-la-han. Reference to a Syriac lexicon will 
show that such names as Scopas, Sparta, Strato and Stephen do not 
necessarily begin with an s. The Arabic name of Plato does not 
begin with a p. Moreover YlTo\e/n<uos: is a significant name, derived 
from -To'/Ycytos. What antecedent proof have we that the Egyptian 
name is not a translation of the Greek one ? At all events Young 
has to prove that the first sign □ of the Egyptian name of Ptolemy 
is p. 

His only proof is that it "answers invariably in all the manu- 
scripts " to the character resembling the P of Akerblad, derived 
from the beginning of the enchorial name. But this is really not the 
case. Young's mistake may be called a lucky one, but a mistake 
it is undeniably. 

On the other hand, how does Young read the D , which he 
rightly (though with wrong reason) reads as pt in Ptolemy, when 
they occur in other words ? 

We have just seen that he identified x with the sense of 

Moving.' He says "The square block, the semicircle, and the 
chain are employed very clearly in the sense of loving, or beloved ; 
the Coptic JUULI." Even as late as the end of 1827, Young was 
reluctant to admit Champollion's reading. 

The royal name 1 X Y 'j 4 J he interprets as Nechao. 

If he knew the true values of D, I and ^\ , how came he to 

read the royal name □ I 1 as Sesostris? 

Here then we have in the same essay four different values 

194 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

assigned to the 'square block' □, and three different ones to the 
semicircle o. And how can Young be said to have demonstrated 
any one of these values, or indeed to have any notion of a phonetic 
system ? 

So much for the first two signs of the name of Ptolemy. He 
broke down upon the third sign h ) , which he says is " not 
essentially necessary, being often * omitted in the sacred characters 
and always in the enchorial." He is here again entirely wrong, and 
only shows that he was unable to decipher the " enchorial," which 
never omits the sign. 

The last mistake compelled him to break down again on the 
next sign JB^, which corresponds to the enchorial sign rightly read 
by Akerblad. 

Young's analysis of the name Berenice is not more successful. 
The first sign ^ (ba) he recognises as " precisely of the same form 
with a basket, represented at Byban el Molouk .... and a basket 
in Coptic is bir." The second sign <z> (r) he reads e: the " little 

footstool," a ( = q), " seems to be superfluous " ! like the -L ] in the 

name of Ptolemy. Instead of the eagle \j\ (a) he reads l s|\ s 

(a goose) and transcribes it ke or ken, a value which he defends 
upon very ridiculous grounds. It is hardly possible to imagine a 
more complete failure in the decipherment of a name already known 
with certainty. 

An equation containing several unknown quantities cannot be 
solved without the help of other equations in which the same 
unknown quantities are involved, and the values obtained for each 
unknown must satisfy each of the equations. This is an elementary 
principle in all decipherment, but it is not recognised by Young in 
his attempts upon the names of the royal personages of the Egyptian 
inscriptions. It was not until Champollion had an abundant supply 
of the necessary equations, that he published his letter to M. Dacier, 
and convinced all competent judges of the correctness of his method 
of decipherment. 

The truth is, that in his Essay Young has no notion of a real 
phonetic system, nor does he profess to have one. Under the title 
" Sounds ? " he gives a table affording " something like a hieroglyphic 
alphabet, which however is merely collected as a specimen of the 

* It is once omitted, through an oversight, in the Rosetta inscription. 

195 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

mode of expressing sounds in sonic particular cases, and not as having 
been universally employed when soiuids were required." And the title 
which he puts over a list of demotic signs is Supposed Enchorial 
Alphabet. As a whole it had, long before he began his speculations, 
ceased to be hypothetical. The greater part of it had been fully 
demonstrated. It is idle to speak of such a writer as having 
demonstrated anything, or having a system however imperfect : 
all is hypothesis, conjecture, guesswork, as far as hieroglyphics are 
concerned. No one could learn anything from his famous Essay, 
for even the true things contained in it are logically undistinguishable 
from the false. 

Young was in the habit of calling Champollion's discoveries an 
extension of his own. * But the difference was not one of quantity 
but of quality. A man who sometimes hits upon the right answer 
to an arithmetical problem is not on the same level as one who knows 
the rule for working all such problems. 

I now proceed to notice the charges of plagiarism which ignor- 
ance and malevolence have brought against Champollion. 

1. The first which has to be dealt with implies such an amount 
of stupidity on the part of its authors that we can only wonder at 
its ever being repeated. "We know that a printed copy of Young's 
paper on the Rosetta Stone had been put into Champollion's hands 
by De Sacy ! " 

This is not quite accurate, but sufficiently so as to furnish a pre- 
text for the insinuation. But the question is, what did the paper 
consist in ? What could Champollion possibly learn from it ? 

It consisted t of a " Conjectural Translation of the Egyptian 
[demotic] Inscription printed side by side with [Mr. Cough's] 
Translation of the Creek Inscription copied and corrected by 
Person." There is not the least attempt at decipherment in it, 
unless we apply that term to the transcription of the proper names, 
which had already been made out by Akerblad and was as familiar 
to Champollion as to Young. 

* He ludicrously speaks of Champollion as having added three new letters to 
his phonetic alphabet, whereas the phonetic values of at least seventy signs were 
demonstrated in the Let/re ii M. Dacier. 

t " I sent him a copy of my conjectural translation of the inscriptions, as it was 
inserted in the Arclueologia. " Young, Discoveries in I lieroglyphical Literature, 
p. 40. Let the reader take down the 17th volume of the Archuologia, and see 
for himself the absolute worthlessness of the essay, and the absence of anything 
which could help an enquirer. 

196 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [iSyr. 

Akerblad himself writes to Young (Leitch, III, p. 72), "As for 
your conjectural translation of the Egyptian inscription, I really do 
not conceive the purpose of it, as the question is to discover the 
alphabet, and consequently to separate and read the Egyptian 
words, not merely to make out the meaning of the inscription, which 
is undoubtedly the same as in Greek." 

Does the insinuation imply anything more than that in the 
author's experience an English crib is more intelligible than the 
authentic Greek? But he is bound to point out the particulars in 
which Champollion took advantage of the English crib in pre- 
ference to the Greek. And he certainly is unable to do so. 

The late Mr. Sharpe published a " conjectural " translation of 
the Rosetta Stone long before M. Chabas. Is M. Chabas in air- 
way liable to the suspicion of having borrowed from Mr. Sharpe, 
whose translation he had certainly seen in a volume frequently 
quoted by him ? 

2. But Champollion "appropriated, of course without acknow- 
ledgment, the enchorial discoveries of Akerblad." So says Mr. 
Leitch, and his sapient follower joins him in this impudent impu- 
tation. " It is now time to ask how much he [Ch.] was indebted to 
Akerblad's letter for ideas and results." 

I call the imputation an impudent one, and it is an impudent 
falsehood to say that Champollion "appropriated without acknow- 
ledgement" the enchorial discoveries of Akerblad. " Les travaux 
si connus de MM. Silvestre de Sacy et Ackerblad demontrerent que 
ce texte renfermait des noms propres grecs ecrits en caracteres 
egyptiens alphabetiques ; notion precieuse qui est devenue en 
quelque sorte le germe veritable de toutes les deconvertes faites depuis 
stir les ecritures egyptiennes." So writes Champollion, and he tells 
us (what is undeniable) that his own labours on the demotic text 
of Rosetta had enabled him to augment and on certain points to 
rectify the alphabet of Akerblad. He never for an instant claimed 
to be its discoverer.* 

With this acknowledgment of Akerblad's merits it is well to 
contrast the utterance of Mr. Leitch's hero. 

Akerblad had written to Young (Leitch, p. 72), "By your third 
letter to M. de Sacy, I learn that you have adopted almost the 

* And Champollion-Figeac in the Journal Asiatique. (July, 1823, p. 39) 
speaks of " l'alphabet de cette ecriture [demotique] complete et publie par mon 
frere, apres les travaux de MM. Silvestre de Sacy et Ackerblad." 

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May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1897. 

whole of my alphabet and most part of the readings which I propose 
in my printed letter." 

To this Young replies (Leitch, p. 81), " You must not expect me 
to allow, that my adoption of the principal part of the readings which 
you proposed in your first letter, depended on any disposition to 
acquiesce in the result of your labours, rather than to conduct the 
investigation on independent grounds ; the fact is, that the three 
names most easily identified were discovered without difficulty by 
Mr. de Sacy, the sixteen or eighteen other words which you pointed 
out in your letter were also amongst the most prominent ; and it was 
natural that most of them should have occurred both to you and to 
me, even if I had never heard of the existence of your letter." 

If it was natural that they should occur "both to you and to me," 
why not also to Champollion ? But Champollion does not take this 
ground. What would Mr. Leitch have said if he had done so ? 

Champollion's words are perfectly true and unassailable when he 
says : " Feu Ackerblad essaya d'etendre ses lectures hors des noras 
propres grecs, et il echoua completement." But his recent assailant 
quotes these words as proving that Champollion (like Young) did 
not give sufficient credit to Akerblad for what he accomplished. 
Champollion, on the contrary, gave the fullest credit to Akerblad 
for what he accomplished, and only declined to follow him where 
he had failed. 

3. There is a self sufficient ignorance as well as stupidity in the 
observation (implying that Champollion was a liar) " that Champollion 
should not have known of Young's article Egypt is a thing not to be 
understood, especially as advance copies were sent to Paris and 
elsewhere as early as 1818." "Young's article in the Encyclopaedia 
Britannica obtained great celebrity in Europe, and was reprinted by 
Leitch in the 3rd vol. of the Works of Dr. Young." 

Leitch's reprint was executed many years after the death of 
Champollion. It is not true that the article obtained great 
celebrity either in England or in Europe till after the discoveries of 
Champollion, and the efforts of his enemies to convict him of 
plagiarism. Then, indeed, it was a good deal talked about rather 
than read, but it had previously only attracted the attention of 
Young's private friends. 

It is easy enough, at the present day, at the British Museum or 
at the University libraries, to obtain the sight of any of the noted 
works published in any part of the world. But it is a thing to be 

198 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

understood by any intelligent person that in the first quarter of this 
century, long before the time of railways or that of cosmopolite 
public libraries, a young man living at Grenoble, a town of not more 
than 20,000 inhabitants, more than 350 miles south of Paris, had 
not the same opportunities as we now have of knowing what is being 
published abroad. 

There is abundance of evidence in Mr. Leitch's volume showing 
that Young's article was not so very accessible, even to his own friends. 

Sir William Gell writes from Rome on May 25, 182 1 : — 
"Whether your book or pamphlet or dissertation on Egyptian 
hieroglyphics be published, or whether it be only presented to your 
particular friends, I have never been able to discover ; but after 
repeated trials in London, I could not procure it through my 
bookseller. You have, as my friend Dodwell informs me, made a 
present of it to the Library of the Vatican ; but whether it be there 
or not, a public library is always so difficult to get at, and so very 
useless to the public that," etc. 

Letronne writes from Paris in June, 1824, to excuse himself for 
not having quoted an opinion of Young similar to his own, and of 
which Young claimed the priority. " N'ayant pas sous les yeux 
votre article ' Egypt ' dans l'Encyclopedie, et ne pouvant me le 
procurer, je ne puis verifier si c'est la que vous en avez parle." 

It may however be suggested that Young had sent Champollion 
a copy. But Young himself tells us that this was not the case. 
" Mr. Champollion," he says in his Discoveries in Hieroglyphical 
Literature (p. 41), " continued to reside at Grenoble till the beginning 
of 1 82 1. I had not a convenient opportunity of sending him any of 
my later papers, and it was not till after he had left Grenoble, that he 
read the article Egypt in the Supplement of the Encylopasdia, into 
which their contents were condensed. He had been devoting 
himself in the meantime to the uninterrupted study of the enchorial 
inscription," etc. 

Champollion had, in fact, as Young himself states, a few lines 
after those just quoted, been devoting himself to something even 
more important than the enchorial inscription. " He had taken the 
trouble to copy at length, with the permission of their various 
possessors," " a multitude of Egyptian papyri,'" hieroglyphic, hieratic 
and demotic, and from the study of all these documents he had 
discovered the equivalence of the hieroglyphic signs with the cursive 
forms (hieratic and demotic) derived from them. 

199 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

The equivalence of the hieratic and hieroglyphic was 
demonstrated in the plates of his work. De VEcriture Hi'cratique des 
anciens Egyptiens, printed at Grenoble in 1821. His memoir on 
the Demotic was read before the Academic Royale des Inscriptions. 

4. It is with reference to his work on the hieratic character that 
the most ooious of all the charges against Champollion has been 
propagated. 

It is not known how many copies were issued, but very few are 
known to exist, and only one or two have the introductory text. It 
has been asserted that Champollion suppressed this text, for the 
purpose of concealing the fact that as late as 182 1 he had spoken of 
the hieratic characters, and of the hieroglyphs from which they were 
derived as signs of tilings and not of sounds. It has been asserted 
therefore that between the date of this work, in 182 1, and that of 
the letter to M. Dacier, in 1822, he had learnt from Young's Egypt 
a new and more correct theory on the subject, and did his utmost 
to destroy all traces of the old one. 

To those who have never seen the letter to M. Dacier the charge- 
may seem plausible, but those who repeat the charge after reading 
the letter are utterly without excuse. How can anyone be fool 
enough to believe that if Champollion wished to destroy all traces 
of his old theory, he would have repeated it in the very same 7c>ords 
in the letter to Dacier the whole of which presupposes the old 
theory, and is consistent with it throughout ? 

When, in my Hibbert Lectures of 1879, I pointed out the 
manifest absurdity involved in the charge, I was not aware that I 
had been forestalled by no less an authority than Young himself. 

'• The French translator of Mr. Browne's ingenious article," he 
writes, " has certainly gone a good deal out of his way to find matter 
of accusation against Mr. Champollion. He quotes the text of a 
memoir published in 182 1, and afterwards suppressed .... But 
the translator might have found in the beginning of the letter to 
Mr. Dacier, dated in 1822, the same opinion respecting these 
systems of writing : that is the hieratic and demotic, which he says 
are not alphabetic, but ideographic like the hieroglyphs themselves, 
expressing ideas and not sounds. A r othing can possibly agree better 
than this with the opinion which Dr. Young had long before published : 
and which he has since confirmed in his octavo volume." 

The present generation of readers may have a difficulty in 
understanding how Young, after phonetically reading the names of 

200 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

Ptolemy and Berenice, or Champollion, after reading so many 
Greek and Roman names and such titles as Autokrator, Kaisar, 
Sebastos, and Sebaste, could still talk of hieroglyphs " expressing 
ideas not sounds." 

The explanation of this mystery is nevertheless simple enough, 
if we only try to understand these words in the sense in which they 
were written ; that is, according to the phraseology then current in 
Chinese philology. The analogy between Chinese and Egyptian 
modes of writing had long been universally admitted, and strong 
assertions had even been made as to the identity of the two systems. 
As early as the 7th August, 18 10, Champollion, in a memoir read 
before the Society of Science and Arts at Grenoble, showed the 
impossibility of explaining the Egyptian by means of the Chinese 
signs, and this essay contains a number of very important observa- 
tions. The analogy of Chinese practice, for instance, suggests that 
the names of the Egyptian kings being mostly derived from the 
religious worship, might easily be expressed by significant symbols ; 
but that India, Arabia and other countries involved in war with 
Egypt, having names foreign to the language and religion of Egypt, 
necessarily required phonetic signs for their transcription. He 
continues: " L'inscription de Rosette presente les noms grecs de 
Ptolemee, Berenice, Arsinoe, Pyrrha, d'Areia, de Diogene, d'Aetes, 
d'Alexandre, etc ; Us ne pouvaient Hre exprimes dans la partie hiero- 
glyphique de ce monument si ces hieroglyphes n'avaient, comme nous 
Pavons dit, la facult'e de produire dcs sons. " * 

The problem here stated was solved in the letter to M. Dacier, 
the theory of which is, that Egyptian hieroglyphs like the Chinese 
are not alphabetic but essentially ideographic, though under the 
exceptional condition of transcribing foreign words they like the 
Chinese (under the same condition) conventionally become phonetic ; 
that is to say, letters or syllables, void of meaning.^ 

* See Revue Archeologique, 1857. 

t " Les Chinois pour ecrire un mot etranger a leur langue, ont tout simplement 
adopte les signes ideographiques dont la prononciation leur parait offrir le plus 
d'analogie avec chaque syllable ou clement du mot etranger qu'il s'agit de 
transcrire. On concoil done que les Egyptiens voulant exprimer, soit une voyelle, 
soit une consonne, soit une syllabe, d'un mot etranger se soient servis d'un signe 
hieroglyphique exprimant ou representant un objet quelconque dont le nom, en 
langue parlee, contenait ou dans son entier, ou dans sa premiere partie, le son 
de la voyelle, de la consonne ou de la syllabe qu'il s'agissait d'ecrire. " 

And Klaproth wrote, after Champollion's death, — " Les Chinois ont aussi 

20I 



.May 4 ] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

In Chinese every sign expresses ' an idea not a sound ' * ; it is not a 
letter nor a syllable. It is a complete word in itself with determinate 
significance and pronunciation. No word can normally be written in 
Chinese which is not the expression of native Chinese thought. 

But when foreign names and words have to be transcribed, as in 
the translations of Indian Buddhist literature, the signs with which 
these words are written lose their ideographic character altogether, 
and are used (but then only) with purely phonetic values. M. 
Stanislas Julien in his Methode pour d'echiffrer et transcrire les noms 
sanserifs qui se rencontrent dans les livres chinois, has described the 
laborious process by which he succeeded in solving a problem 
which had baffled even such scholars as Abel Remusat and Klaproth,t 
who knew Chinese but not Sanskrit. 

At the time of the publication of his Lettre a AT. Dacier 

une manilre phonitique d'ecrire les noms propres [etrangers] qu'ils entourent 
souvent d'un cartouche comme les Egyptiens. La seule difference entre leurs 
systeme phonetique et celui des bords du Nil est que chez eux, les caracteres 
ideographiques, employes phonetiquement, ne deviennent pas des lettres alpha- 
betiques, mais qu'elle representent la syllabe entiere qu'ils expriment dans leur 
usage ordinaire." 

* See Remusat's inaugural discourse, 16 Jan., 1815. 

" Croirait on l'ecriture chinoise plus difficile a apprendre, parcequ'elle 
represente les idees, au lieu de figurer des sons." .... " Cette nature 
singuliere de la langue chinoise qui consiste a representer immediatement les 
idees par des symboles convenus, au lieu de les rappeler a la memoire par 
l'intermediaire des sons, leur appartient exclusivement, depuis que les hiero- 
glyphes egyptiens ont cesse d'etre en usage, et e'est un des rapports sous les- 
quels elle peut d'avantage piquer la curiosite." Melanges, Asiatirjiies, II, pp. 12 
and 13. 

In Morrison's Chinese " Introduction to a Knowledge of Letters of the King- 
dom of England " in his English-Chinese Dictionary (Macao, 1822), the same 
view is taken. Writing represents either (1) the sense of words, or (2) their 
sounds. Of the latter kind are those of the Sanskrit, the Mandshu, and the 
English and other European languages. Of the former are the ancient characters 
of Egypt and those of China. 

Similarly Young himself in the article Languages, written for the supple- 
ment to the Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. V, 1824, and repeated by him from 
earlier publications — "The Chinese .... is distinguished from almost all 
others by a more marked peculiarity, which is, that its written characters instead 
of depicting sounds, are the immediate symbols of t lie objects or ideas. . . . And in 
this point of view the Chinese will require to be classed with old Egyptian only." 

t " On sait que dans ces transcriptions, le caractere symbolique de l'ecriture 
chinoise disparait totalement, et que les signes au lieu d'etre des images, destinees 
a eVeiller la pensee, ne sont plus que des articulations qui doivent f rapper l'oreille." 
Landresse, in his "Introduction"' to Remusat's translation of the Foe Koiu 
A'i, p. Ix. 

202 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Champollion did not suppose that he had done more than solve the 
problem, which he had already before him in 1810, of discovering 
the key to reading the Greek and Roman names in Egyptian 
hieroglyphs, just as Stanislas Julien at a later period found the key 
to reading Sanskrit names in Chinese literature. 

We are now in a position to form a true estimate of this 
abominable accusation. 

Instead of suppressing the opinion expressed in the work on 
Hieratic, Champollion repeated it totidem verbis in the letter to 
M. Dacier, and Young, so far from being startled by it, claims it as 
identical with his own,* and needing no correction. 

Champollion did not mean by it that foreign names could not be 
written hieroglyphically when necessity required it. This obvious 
necessity he had pointed out as early as 1810, some years before 
Young had begun his Egyptian studies. Still less did he mean, as 
some foolish people have imagined, that because signs represented 
ideas and not sounds, they were not sounded when read. 

The accusation then is simply a lie, and those who, like Messrs. 
Long and Leitch, continued to circulate it ought to have been 
ashamed of themselves for having failed to recognize it as such. 

The most criminal of all is Klaproth, who, as a Chinese scholar, 
thoroughly understood Champollion's meaning. 

The discovery announced in the letter to M. Dacier was indeed 
a memorable one, but it was almost immediately followed by a 
second not less memorable. The letter was no sooner published 
than Champollion discovered that his phonetic alphabet was a key 
not only to the transcription of Greek and Roman names but to the 
language of Egyptian inscriptions of every period. This discovery 
was communicated to the Academy in the April of 1823, and in a 
letter to Young of the same year he announces the approaching 
publication of his Essay (the Precis du Systbne Hieroglyphique). In 
this letter he states his new conviction, " qu'une tres grande partie 
des signes employes dans les inscriptions hicraticptes et hieroglyphiques 
de tous les ages ne sont autre chose que des signes de son ainsi que 
la plus grande partie de tout texte Dernotique ou enchorial." 

* In the principle both men undoubtedly agreed, but they differed greatly in 
its application. As all the " ideographical " signs in Demotic which were used 
phonetically in proper names became alphabetic, Champollion argued that such 
necessarily was the case with the hieroglyphic signs. But there were other and 
more serious differences. 

203 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

Leitch, in a footnote (p. 367) upon this letter, observes— " It is 
curious to contrast Champollion's opinions upon this subject in the 
above letter with those which he entertained two years before, when 
he published his memoir ' De l'Ecriture Hieratique." It is very much 
more curious a circumstance that Mr. Leitch, in order to insinuate 
that Champollion had borrowed from Young, should wantonly 
ignore the theory of the letter to Dacier so recently published, 
which is identical with that of the Grenoble publication, and that 
he should fail to see that the new theory was more removed than 
ever from any approximation to Young's views. The old theory 
was abandoned simply because it was too narrow to account for all 
the new facts which had come within the observation of Cham- 
pollion since he published his letter to Dacier, or for the new light 
now thrown upon old facts. 

These two memorable stages of progress and the necessary 
passage from one to other have never been sufficiently distinguished. 

5. Were it not for an unguarded and most inaccurate statement 
of so eminent a man as Dr. Birch, that Young "traced the name of 
Ptolemy up in his own way, from the demotic into hieratic, into the 
hieroglyphs," it would hardly be worth while to say that Young never 
knew what Dr. Birch called 'demotic, hieratic and hieroglyphic' 
What Young called hieratic is linear hieroglyphic. He would have 
been surprised at the sight of the Rhind papyri, presenting a hieratic 
text with a version in demotic writing. Under the name of ' cursive ' 
or ' enchorial,' Young confounded hieratic and demotic. And where 
had Young ever seen the name of Ptolemy in hieratic ? He had 
certainly come to the conclusion (which is obvious enough to any 
one possessed of eyes) that the cursive forms were derived from the 
hieroglyphic, but he had not verified it in minute detail like 
Champollion, who knew all the equivalences, sign by sign, of the three 
kinds of writing. The demotic name of Cleopatra on the Casati 
papyrus* was easily read back letter by letter into hieroglyphics, and 

* The importance of this discovery, which he calls " a great event in 
Egyptian literature," is fully acknowledged l>y Young {Discoveries, p. 56), who also 
-peaks in the highest terms of Champollion's skill in enchorial decipherments. 

It ought never to be forgotten by those who talk about the matter, that 
Champollion did not start with the names of Ptolemy and Berenice but with that 
of Cleopatra, which was of great service in deciphering that of Ttolemy, but even 
these names would not have led him very far, if he had not already accumulated 
an immense mass of other material, and had a scientific method to guide him in 
dealing with it. 

204 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

the obelisk of Philge, which contained both that name and the 
name of Ptolemy, came at the opportune moment to crown the 
efforts of the enquirer with success. Cleopatra was the name first 
read with absolute certainty, and from the hieroglyphic □ of that 
name Champollion obtained with certainty the p of Ptolemy. The 
Z2> of course was known from a large number of equations. 

The -jp ] and the J2s> of Ptolemy corresponded to the o and 

the L of Cleopatra ; the I is proved to be s by many names so 

ending. The long array of royal Greek and Roman names and 
titles was made out with equal certainty, and if some errors can be 
occasionally detected, it was Champollion himself who furnished the 
tests by which they could be detected, no less than the method by 
which they could be corrected. 

6. " His charlatanism and literary dishonesty are acknowledged 
by some of the most eminent of his countrymen such as de Sacy 
and Letronne " ! Is this true ? 

It is well to observe the categories. When, where, how, under 
what circumstances did M. de Sacy utter so terrible a judgment ? 
Was it in public? Was it after Champollion had published his 
discoveries ? Did M. de Sacy think Champollion had borrowed from 
Young ? Did he include no one else in the same censure ? And did he 
never alter his opinion ? All these are very important considerations. 

M. de Sacy uses the word " charlatanisme " as applied to 
Champollion in two private letters to Young of which the dates are 
noteworthy. In 181 5 Champollion had not published any of his 
discoveries. " J'ai bien peur que ce ne soit la que du charlatanisme." 
This term in French usage does not necessarily imply what it would 
mean if I used it in reference to certain impostors. The term is 
applied in the Memoires de Madame de Larochejacquelin to an officer 
highly esteemed by everybody in the Vendean army for his good 
qualities. It need mean nothing more than 'brag.' M. de Sacy's 
expression is applied in this letter to Akerblad and Quatremere as 
well as to Champollion. He had worked at the Rosetta inscription 
with some success, and was not eager to admit that others had 
succeeded where he had failed. There is here no " acknowledgment 
of literary dishonesty" but only a caution to Young not to be too 
liberal in communicating his discoveries. But there is no doubt 
that Sacy was deeply irritated against Champollion, as we can see 
from his second letter. 

205 R 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1897. 

The first letter is dated 20 July, 1815, about a fortnight after the 
allied troops had entered Paris. Silvestre de Sacy was devotedly 
attached to the royal family of France, and had in deference to his 
undisputed rank as an orientalist been allowed, in 1795, t0 continue 
in his professorship after refusing to take the oath of hatred against 
royalty, then exacted from all professors. He bitterly resented the 
political conduct of Champollion "pendant le regne de trois mots 
d'A/ir/man" (Leitch, p. 51) : Champollion had, like so many others 
of his countrymen, and of his townsmen * in particular, taken part 
with the Corsican usurper. We may sympathize (and I do most 
thoroughly) with the political feelings of the old royalist, but we 
must make allowance for them in judging of somebody else, in a 
question which has nothing to do with politics. 

But is it a right action to quote these private letters, written in 
times of political irritation, without quoting the mature judgment of 
the great orientalist after he had seen and read Champollion's 
discoveries ? This is what he writes of Champollion in the Journal 
des Savans in March, 1825. 

" II a a mon avis completement demontre que malgre quelques 
legers point de contact entre les resultats des conjectures de M. le 
Docteur Young et ceux qu'il a d'abord obtenus de la decouverte 
dont l'honneur lui est du, leurs manieres de proceder sont essen- 
tiellement differentes, l'une de l'autre ; et qu'en adoptant pour base 
du dechiffrement, les idees fondamentales de M. Young, on se serait 
egare dans une fausse direction, et on n'eut fait qu'augmenter le 
nombre des conjectures hazardees dont les hieroglyphes ont ete 
1'objet. Nous croyons que ce jugement sera confirme par tous les 
savans de quelque nation que ce soit, qui examineront avec im 
partialite les droits respectifs de M. Young et de M. Champollion a 
l'honneur d'avoir decouvert la route qui peut conduire a l'intelligence 
des anciens monuments ecrits de l'Egypte." 

So much for Silvestre de Sacy. The other eminent countryman 
of Champollion, Letronne, does not say a word about ' charlatanism * 
or ' literary dishonesty/ but only implies that Champollion is 
jealous of intruders into what he considers his own domain. 
I -ctronne's own judgment on the respective merits of the two 
scholars was identical with that of Silvestre de Sacy. Mr. Leitch 
acknowledges this, and ascribes it to national partiality. And he 

* Grenoble was the first French town which opened its gates to Bonaparte on 
his return from Elba. 

206 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

accuses Arago, one of the most enthusiastic friends of Young, of 
the same national sin, because he happened to say " que la France 
n'est pas cosmopolite." But Arago, a most thoroughly scientific 
man, was an admirable judge of the merits of a question depending 
on demonstrative proof; and had a full right to glory in the 
nationality of the candidate who had established his claim by 
incontrovertible arguments. 

It is not right to leave this part of the subject without touching 
on one of the most interesting traits in Champollion's character. 
Young had been cautioned against being too liberal in communi- 
cating his discoveries to him. Champollion, on the other hand, was 
most liberal to Young, and the latter acknowledges with gratitude 
the important communications which he received from him. 

Sir William Gell writes (Leitch, p. 431), " I beg to state that so 
far from hiding his new discoveries, the said Champollion has given 
me so many things not published, that if I were inclined, I could 
pretend I was the inventor of as much again as he is. I have the 
whole Rosetta Stone from line V divided by him into words, and 
the Coptic corresponding to every figure under. I have lectured 
him till I hope he is going to publish what he now knows, which is 
out of all comparison more than is published." 

How thoroughly true this is, is well known to those who have 
seen the manuscripts he left behind him. 

His liberality in lending his manuscripts to Rosellini and to 
Ungarelli is well known. How shamefully Salvolini abused this 
liberality is but too well known. And the brood of Salvolini's is not 
yet extinct. 

I must finally protest against that ridiculous table in parallel 
columns, which is represented as giving the judgments of experts in 
Egyptology as to the comparative claims of Young and Champollion. 
Salt is quoted, as if his opinion were of the slightest consequence,* 
and Goodwin and E. de Rouge are names conspicuous by their 
absence ! Yet the most important name of all is that of M. de 

* Sir W. Gell writes (5th Aug., 1826) to Young (Leitch, p. 392) : " Salt's 
claim to originality only fit 10 set up in the region of Humbugia, for I have myself 
sent to Egypt all the inventions of yourself and Champollion as fast as they come 
out. ... I understand from Mr. Scoles the architect, that Salt went crazy on the 
subject of his own inventions, and told them all that you and Champollion knew 
nothing about it and that he was only real discoverer. Wherever Champollion 
had not published, Salt is generally wrong, which corroborates the proof of his 
having seen what was printed : Nectanebus or Nekthanebph for instance." 

307 R 2 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

Roug£, not merely on account of his transcendent merits, but 
because he has dealt with the matter judicially ; his judgment being 
the result of an accurate and critical survey of all the facts of 
the case. The only name which from this point of view approaches 
it in value is that of Lepsius. The very best scholar is, in a matter 
like this, of no authority unless he has studied the case, and had the 
facts before him. How do we know if this or that German or 
Frenchman has ever read a line of Young ? Is it justifiable to 
quote the hasty passage of a scholar who writes as if Young had 
deciphered the names of Ptolemy and Berenice, letter by letter, 
without a single mistake ? Is there a single Egyptologist who, after 
testing the facts and arguments of M. de Rouge, would venture to 
dispute any one of them ? And what would M. de Rouge himself 
have said of this stupid collection of extracts, in which even those 
statements which might claim to be really of a judicial character are 
reduced to the appearance of obiter dicta ? 

Two undeniable facts remain after all that has been written : 
Champollion learnt nothing whatever from Young, nor did anyone 
else. It is only through Champollion and the method he employed 
that Egyptology has grown into the position which it now occupies. 
It is only by the strictest application of that method that Lepsius, 
Birch, and de Rouge were able to correct the errors and imperfec- 
tions adhering to the system founded upon it, but in no way 
pertaining to its essence* 

The limits of this paper preclude anything more than a passing 
allusion to such matters. But I ought not to conclude without 
saying a word about an important element of his system, for which 

Salt's official position in Egypt enabled him to secure very valuable antiquities, 
but that is no reason for giving oneself airs. If I buy a Greek papyrus of the 
Iliad, or of Plato's Republic, or a lost play of Aeschylus, or even of a version by 
Manetho of the Book of the Dead, without being able to read a line of the text or 
translate it when transcribed, are not people fools who praise my sagacity, when 
my only merit is in knowing that all the libraries in Europe would willingly 
purchase a document in that special character ? 

* E.g., insisting on the alphabetical nature of phonetic signs. This error 
was tempered by explanations which practically corrected it. £^J and [jl were 

called m and I n, but they were termed abbreviations of men, vies and nefr, and 
read as such. 

But there is a suggestion in the Letter to Dacier, that the phonetic alphabet 
was syllabic, that is, consisting of open syllables like be, re. And I am convinced 
that this is more true that the commonly received view in favour of simple 
consonants. 

208 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Champollion was indebted to his studies of Chinese writing, and 
without which the most perfect phonetic alphabet would have been 
inadequate for the study of the language. 

Words in Chinese signifying sea, lake, river, canal, rapid, running, 
deep, flow, rush, bathe, float, trickle, leak, ooze, bubble, weep, wash, 
refresh, limpid, pure, unsullied, extinguish, and the like, have in 
common a sign representing water, which accompanies them, as the 
s ig n ££#& follows Egyptian words of kindred meanings, as their 
determinative. 

In like manner words implying the notions of flame, heat, burning, 
cooking, smoke, candle, etc., have for determinative a sign signifying 
fire, like the Egyptian jTL 

The Chinese sign for mouth accompanies words signifying eat, 
talk, ask, call, command, sing, boisterous, etc. 

The sign for heart accompanies the words for thought, resolve, 
will, anger, joy, fear, regret, love, happiness, sadness, etc. 

Every one familiar with Egyptian will at once see what an 
important step was gained by Champollion's recognition of the 
analogy between the Chinese and the Egyptian uses of determinative 
symbols.* The same sort of symbols have since been discovered in 
the cuneiform writings, and their existence in Egyptian is by itself 
conclusive against all attempts to illustrate that writing by inferences 
from Hebrew, Phoenician, and other Semitic writings. Egyptian 
writing is, in its origin, not alphabetic but essentially ideographic 
like the Accadian, Assyrian, Chinese, and Japanese.! It is no 
more tied than they to the expression of consonantal j sounds. The 
evidence derived from the comparative history of these ancient 
systems would seem to lead to the inference that in periods anterior 
to those of the earliest monuments which have come down to us, 
the Egyptian hieroglyphic system may have very much more nearly 
resembled the Chinese in principle, than it did in later times. 

* These ideograms are in Chinese grammars called "Keys " or " Radicals." 
The grammarians count 214, under which all the words of the language are 
arranged in the Imperial Dictionary of Kanghi. 

t Klaproth said that the Egyptian system most nearly resembled Japanese. 
This is certainly truer than he was aware. I will here only allude to the 
polyphony of the two systems, and to the phonetic complements which enable 
one to determine the exact value intended. The same phenomena are to be 
found in cuneiform writing, and in all these writings they are to be ascribed to 
the same cause. 

X Cf. my paper "Are there really no Vowels in the Egyptian Alphabet," in 
the "Transactions of the Ninth International Congress of Orientalists.' 

209 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 



A COPTIC PALIMPSEST. 

I. Prayer of the Virgin in " Bartos" 
II Fragment of a Patriarchal History. 

By W. E. Crum. 

This MS. was acquired by the British Museum a few years ago. 
It is numbered Or. 4714. For the permission to publish it I have 
to thank Professor Douglas, Keeper of the Oriental MSS. I must 
also acknowledge the consent of the Rev. George Horner; for 
though the MS. reached England in his possession, he generously 
resigned his claims upon its publication to me. 

The MS. was obtained at Siut. It consists of six consecutive 
leaves of coarse vellum, in book form, each now about 6^ in. x 5 in. 
It is a palimpsest ; but the earlier text is so faintly visible, that even 
had the original leaves not been cut down to accommodate the 
subsequent scribe, little would now be legible. 

I. Prayer of the Virgin in " Bartos." 

This is the later text. It is in a single column and in very black 
ink. The characters are thick, coarsely formed, and incline to the 
right. None of the published facsimiles have much resemblance to 
the type exhibited, for they represent almost exclusively the careful 
literary scripts, while the rougher colophons show only Bchairic 
hands. Hyvernat, Album xii, 3 is a finer and presumably earlier 
specimen of a somewhat similar style. It may safely be assigned to 
a date not before the nth century. The lines in a page vary between 
15 and 25. The pages are numbered £. — ir. The text is that 
of the magical prayer said to have been made by the Virgin on behalf 
of S. Matthias in " the city of Bartos," i.e., among the Parthians. 1 It 

1 V. Guidi in Soc. as. ital., Giornalc, 1SS9, 173. 
210 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

is already known in Ethiopic and Arabic versions, presumably derived 
from the Coptic. For the Ethiopic version I have used M. Basset's 
translation ;' for the Arabic, the description and excerpts of the 
Bodleian MS. Rot. or. 2* a curious amulet not mentioned by M. 
Basset. Both these versions, the former especially, appear to be 
developed to a much greater length than the Coptic which, while 
retaining signs of a higher antiquity (e.g., the use of the old Gnostic 
word cnroXo^i'a), is unadorned by many of the glosses and expansions 
seen in the others {e.g., the names of the five nails). 3 It is said that 
this prayer and the consecrated water and oil to which it refers were 
used in a particular (penitential or exorcising ?) ritual of the Ethiopic 
church, 4 and its composition is attributed in the Arabic version to 
Cyril of Jerusalem. 

P. L [euuLHj-rei <lkok jmrtn^eiurr JULrmeiTitZ 
CTonr.Li.-ft n<Lp<Litne ^.Xcb^. np<Lit JULn^eiorrne 
<Lpcjo<L 2v<LitiHX np<Lit juLnemt^ eTonr^^&ne 
jmn^p^KXirroc ^rt&rto'rjuirrrrto'irre itoYurr 
K&.T&. tkcXhycic sjltt<lciu3T~ jmrtneiTitZ 

eTO'tf<L£.& £.ITei JULAXO) (JO JUL<LpI<L T~<LJUL<*,<LY 

xck<lc epencT-^nneajT-eKo ei e&oX JUL^pi^. 2^e 

< Lc<L ) p,ep,£.T"c ^.cTXuopaj rmeccTix e&oX nc<L 

nTini.ToXH epertec^L^X piKe .... Tne 

? 
cyi.ne[cajHpe] JUUULepi[T" 8 or 9 letters]pc 

[about 10 letters] 

P. v. ecxco juuuloc xe^rtoKne jui^pi&Ajui <LnoKne 

JULA.piA. <LItOKIie TJUL^^/T JULUUOn^, JULITKOCJULOC 

THpq eitucy £,p<u epoK HA-itonrre <Lnfco n^ojHpe 
<Liruu n^-JULepn - ^.yuo iLLppo ^.noKne jm^-piA. 
xeKJUL^^T eicucy £,p<Li epoK xex&c eKecurrJm 

1 Lcs Apocryphes elhiopiens V. Paris, 1895. 

* v. Uri-Nicholl's Catalogue, II, 482. But this is now numbered Marsh. 
or. 131 (R). 

3 For this curious palindrome " Sator areto tenet otera rotas," v. besides the 
citations in Heim, Incantamenta, Krall in the Rainer Mittheilungen V, who 
regards it as probably not older than the 8th century. 

4 v. Basset, p. 7. 

211 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

en<L£,poo-ir itVTrtnooT rtAi juinofoeirt nrt^-*- 
rtAJUiic THponr rumrunre it^vreXoc jmrtrtA.p- 
X^-^reXoc ni[x e p] ^-^ in Juirtrti^e[pA4>i]rt 
jULnn^JULTHfpo-r rtJULnHjnre rtce[about ioletters] 
e&[oX] 
P. S. nrtcT.p.JULn^-^HT" juing/jufi rnxx eftoX 
^itootot erxe neoooT citc neT~nA.rtoYq 
xenej<pA.it CTcyoon haj rt&oHooc juine^ooir 
jULrn"enfcyH A.T-curtA.1 name JULA.peqnuxjorte 
jULA-pequuo,?, ^A.'Teq&iH julitijuloot jmnneme^ 
jULA.pejULnertine &u)X e&oX rtpo eTcyuoTJUL 
a.yuo e-r£,Hn JUL<Lpo-ron : itA.i ta.x h ( Ta X^) 

Ite^OTCIA. JULTIKA.Ke JUlA.pOTA.rtA.X a3 P I "<*-** 

rtcA.&oX Tujul r?c (vtos) rtruXJL 
P. e. h juia. rtiJUL eTonritA.xu) rt^HTq rrf npocefXK 
xcf ha.o**cju -f~nA.Taoo*irit nrtA/c rtcycjopn TA.XOC 
rrf&e xex e P e {x°"P e ) nei(J0 "*~ rtA.VA.eoc nert- 
TA-qTrtrtooT rtA.i jmneqA-weXoc rA-J^pinX 
Ajqeme JutncyejuLrto'riie riA-i xey^e 2 neeponoc 

jULneooT CTeq^JULooc ^ixtoq x^ ! P e Tetf'pHne 

? ? 
[e]x^ixrtxeqA.[ne 2 or 3 lettersj-rcy y^iApe 

P. F. ncA.cyq rtpA.it eT^Hn n^HTq CT"enA.me 

A^eH[i]crca5 x^*P e ncAcyq nKA/-rA.ne r TA.cjuiA. 

eqcHp exeqcKTitH (o-Krjvtj) ct'ota.a.S. x^P 6 

ncA.ajq rtcrXXoc (o-tvaos) eT-A.&epA/roT £,ixujq 

X^-ipe ncyopn rta^xe rtT~A.qei eftoX £,rtpoq 

JULnCIUDX A.qXOOT ItVA-^prnX XCA.XIC JUUUlA.plA. 

P. ^. xeeic nA.ajHpe rtKY cyA.po x^P 6 riA.ajHpe 
juLJULcpiT x^-^ 6 nppo juuulc x^ ! P e ncyepn- 
juljulicc JULneqeiurr a/*(jo ncyepruuuuuce rt£,HT" 
X^Jpe nieponoc CT-eq&JULoc £,ix(juq £,1x0**- 

1 For JULApOTOTOrt. " For X G P e - 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

rt^juL JULneqeiurr y^^ipe TT^npo rrrzx- 
xiepurre ,p,nrt£.eKifie JULn^peeruKorc x^P e 
T6lx rrr£.cnXA.cce it<L2^JUL niteiurr ^xA*P e 
rtoTe- 
P. h. pHTe rrr^/rjuLoocLje .p.JULnn^.pA^icoc n^^.^ 
neon x^-'P 6 nXovoc niurr x £,ertoTJULe 3(Aipe 
nrrr^qxoc h<li xe^rrei (alrelv) jl*julo[i] co 

sic 

t«ljul<l<lt jutneTponfcyq 2 r r^. r r < L^.q ne <Li£.rf 
irf~ npocevxH xgk<lc pTr^-X^Tb 3 rtrteTcyuorte 
rt^HT"c JULrtnexcpjuL 4 JULitrte r Tptf'po£, ^nnecg- 
tcko juLitoTon rtiJUL eTeXi&e (6\ifSei.v) ^rtrtenriX 
rt < LK < Le < Lpxon rtrftuxy n<Lit rt<Li 
P. o. 2^e ecxco juljulooy rt6~i Tn<*,peertoc A-CfTojcyx 
^jothajul juljuloc ecrt<LT cjulix^-k^ JULrtr<Lft- 
pmX ^i^KoTp juljuloc ^.cojTopTp mrenrito-r 
nexe v<LftpmX n<*x xejuLnpp&oTe a? JUL^pi^. 
^rtoKne v^-HpinX nem"^qeme najJULno-r&e 
jULiroTpHrte 5 rrr^-ei aj<Lpuu t^xuok eftoX 
julhot<uthjul<l JULrmeT-pcyme rtajuq riexe 
JULi.pi^. xenuuLne n<Li exepene&p^&Toc 
(pdfiSos) nrtoH 6 e&rrreqtf'ix nex^q rt£.c 

sic 

xen<Line julix^-hX rtrtotf" ^rrr^rtKeXKe 
(dye\yj ?) 7 THpc rtrt<LrreXoc rrroc 2^e 
P. 1. <lcxi rt<*x nonrcJULH ec&oXtf^nexzx xe[^f Jx^-pKo 

JULJULOK JULTTOOT JULIX^-HX i~tJOpK GpOK 

JULTX^ajKpe nerrr^qqi JULTie&p^fiT-oc ^ht^ix 
1 For juLneiurr. " For o'ecoajq. 

3 For epepT^X(Tb. 4 For COpJUL. 

5 ? F01 JULnOTCIpHnH. G For rtOTiL 

7 Or ayyt\iK>). Cf. Budge, St. Michael, 1 16, where *f~£.WeXl 
TTpC = &0LH JX^jS. *-J^>- (». Guidi in VOriente II, 83). 

213 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

JULJUL£XTHJUL<L l i.TTA.q 6TOOTK ^.nfKUO H^HTK 

rtoirpA.it vtcoerr -fuopK 2^e epoK <lvcd i~eipe 
juljulok npTjui^e .Lit cy^.m-eKxo)K rt<Li e&oX 
nrt^iroXovi^. T"Hpo*r julillXax exenuuLooT n<u 
jULrtnme& n<*.i ctkk £,p^-i julti<ljult~o e&oX 
eqecyume rrr<LX<5"o ,p,[n. about 9 letters] 

P. iX. itrujuL" vc (utos) TisJUL eqo nee itonrKertH (#eau/ij) 
£,rtiteqKeec eqqi e&oX JuuuLoq ncyume rtiJUL 
^.i^ice iujul ^iXo^Xe^ 2 itijul £,ienifio*cXe'*e 

(iirifiovkri ?) ItlJUL rtT£ TLLIt^IKIJULCItOC (dvrtfC€t- 
nevos) z JULA-ponf^rt^x^pi rw."* rtc<*JioX itoiroit 
ituuL crn^xaoKJUL ^.jultiijuloot JULtmme£, 
£, rrrrrcTb jul mtcnrre 4 neiurr nn<LrnroKp<LT-u)p 
jUL^ponfc^^ooT e&oX JULJULoq it<Ti xwX ituuL 
n^K^o^pTort exenoT^nonf^. &uuk eneqjuLi. 
^n-rrrcTo-JUL rrritnpoce'rxH eT~oT<*,£.& 
P. iE. i~T~<LpKo juljulok £,ok uo r^-ftprnX nniiq- 
itaj-*J*-rioTqe rc<u nx^Titajrio 5 JULn^cuRpe 

'f T<LpKO JULJULOK A.YU3 *f (JOpK JULJULOK £/*U) CICIpC 

juljulok rtpejUL£,[e <L]rt aj^rrreKxtJOK h<li e&oX 
itrt<L<LnoXon<L THponf JULn£.X<Lc xgk«lc £,rrf enr- 
hot cf n^.xujKJUL ^JULnuuLooY juLitnme£, <LrcoK 
itiJUL yc (utos) nrtiiUL tuokjul nxeqcKqe ccthjul 
ecfuuKi (StcjKeLv) nc^-n^iJULuoition &julttjul<l 

1 _ J~P2t2i£72 v. Dillm. Lex. 177, tf^fii^^. Occurs as the name of one of 
the chiefs of ihe evil angels in the Bk. of Jubilees. Cf. Ronsch, B. der Jub. 107, 
418. The Greek form is MaarityaT or Mavaijfiar. The Latin, Mastima. The 
Ethiop. text appears, according to Basset and the only MS. I have seen (Brit. 
Mus. Or. 564, f. 20b), to substitute ^Q^, iNfl/l"" ^ te ^ v ^ ^ 0£ ''' wm ^ e l ^ e 
Arabic has ^UaJkjuJl Jb ^jj>.\\ C>Uj^1 j>icb • 

2 = XoxXeX , v. Peyr. Lex. 85. 

3 Cf. a Berlin papyrus, ^4.Z. xxxiii, 44. 

4 For JULnitonrre. 5 For 6"mxno. 

214 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

enrcyoon tt&irrq tht l epoe no*rojoeicy rt[K]<L£, 

ItOTTHT i~a3pK epOK JULirfoY ItI&T~ ItT^OT 2 

eneKccojUL.L eTOT^^fi ^inec-f-oc (o-ravoo?) 

? ? 
xgjglc eKexoo[T 1 or 2 letters] it [1 1 or 12 letters] 

P. iv. it^weXoc ncez^ep^TOT ruuuuL<Li cy^/re 3 
ite r r < p,JULri<L < p,H r "r xcuk e&oX eT"eniJULooT n<Li 
juLitnme^ gtkk &p^.i julii^jult-o e&oX Ji*.<Lpeq- 

sic 

ajcone itonfjuLoo-r kt-^XcTo £,JULitccoJL*.£. itituui 

X6K<LC ^ItXeTItOT eqaji-ItXCOJOUl It^RTq 

SIC 

ncenaox juumoq itcTi nit£. hijul itrt<LK<Le<LpToit 
<ltlo ecycune <LTp£,cjofi epoq JUL^peqirroq 
exrrr^-iiH JULneitT<Lqc < p ) <Lico'r ^iTeTCToxx. 
jULneKp^it xcope sc ne^cc n^ajHpe JuuuLepiT 

sic 

JUL^.peitiJUL tc itituut ajcone eqev £<Lit[_e] (av^aveiv) 

JULeitTeqiJnrxH JUiitne [1 or 2 letters] neqpee 
JULne&ooT irr^nrxnoq it&frrq xe^itoKne 
JULA.pi^ tckjula.-* em<Lpi.K^.Xei juuuiok ic 

[n]<LajKpe <Lir [9 or 10 letters] e *f*r [8 or 9 letters]. 

P. .ft. ["No one knows this prayer except] me and my Father 
and the Holy Spirit. Alpha is my name ; the name of my Father 
is Aroa Daniel; 1 the name of the Holy Spirit, the Comforter — ? 
We are in one divinity, according to the command of my Father 
and the Holy Spirit. I send (lit. give) thee Maria, my mother, that 
those that are in prison may come forth." 

1 ? For I It T"£"V-j a rare form of Sa'id. conjunctive. 

2 For ? ItTA.TTOKCOT. 3 For CU£.ITre. 

4 Cf. F. Rossi, Trattato Gnostico (Mem. Acad. Torino, ser. II, xliii), 
f. 17, where in certain mystical, " holy names of the Father " the name 
Daniel is declared to be hidden; It<LI epG2^<LIUKX £,KH It&rTTq 
{!■ ^HTOT). The Eth. and Ar versions have Ala and O for the Father's, 
Aradyal for the Holy Spirit's name. Perhaps therefore read CO <Lp<L2^<LrtIHX. 

2I 5 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

Then (Be) Maria stood and stretched forth her hands [to] the 
eastern side, while her eyes were turned toward heaven, to her 
beloved son .... (p. V) and she said, "I am Mariham (Mapia/u), 1 
I am Maria, I am the mother of the Life of the whole World ! I cry 
aloud to Thee, my God and my Son and my Beloved and my King, 
I Maria, Thy mother, do cry aloud to Thee, that Thou mayst hear 
my voice and send to me the light of all the powers of heaven, the 
angels and the archangels, the Cherubim and the Seraphim and all 
the host of heaven and that they [may fulfil for me all things] (p. 2^) 
that are in my heart and everything by their means, whether evil or 
good. For Thy name it is that is my helper by day and night. 
Adonai ! Let the stone be overturned, let it break before this water 
and this oil ! Let the irons be loosed (or melted) from the door 
closed and hidden ; let them open forthwith to me ! Let the powers 
depart from NN., the son of NN. (p. 6) or any place in which this 
prayer shall be said; for I will arise 3 early and will say thus; Hail 
to the good Father, who sent His angel Gabriel to me and brought 
me the good tidings. Hail to the throne of glory on which He sits. 
Hail to the diadem which is upon His .... head (?). Hail to 
the (p. £>-) seven secret names that are hidden in it, namely 
AEH[l]OTH. Hail to the seven veils that are spread upon His 
holy tabernacle. Hail to the seven pillars that stand by it (?). Hail 
to the first word that came forth from the Father's mouth 3 (as) He 
sent Gabriel saying, 'Say to Maria, lo, my son cometh to thee/ 
Hail, my beloved Son. Hail, true king. Hail to the first-born of 
His Father and the first-born of my womb. Hail to the throne on 
which He sits at the right hand of His Father. Hail to the mouth 
that took milk from my virgin breasts. Hail to the hand that 
formed Adam, our father. Hail to the feet (p. H) that often walked 
in Paradise. Hail to the true Word [of] the Father. Hail to Him 
that said to me, ' Ask of Me, oh ! My mother, what thou wouldest 
and I will give it thee. I have given this prayer that thou mightest 
heal by it the sick and those that are gone astray and that are 
wretched in the prisons and everyone that is tormented by unclean 
spirits.' Relieve us !" 4 (p. 0) But as the Virgin said these [words], 

1 A form of the name frequent in the Fist. Soph, and Pap. Bruce. 

2 Lit. I will have already arisen. 3 Cf. Rossi, I.e., f. 14. 
' Lit. conjunctive, apparently after ' Hail,' with ethic dative. 

2l6 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

she looked upon her right hand and seeing Michael and Gabriel 
upon her left, forthwith was affrighted. Gabriel said to her, " Fear 
not, oh, Maria ! I am Gabriel that brought the good tidings of thy 
peace (?), and that came to thee and fulfilled thy request and that 
for which thou didst ask." Maria said to him, " Who is this in 
whose hand is the golden staff?" He said to her, "This is 
Michael, the greatest in the whole host of angels." Then (ee) she 
(p. I) raised (///. took) a sweet voice and said, " I conjure thee this 
day, Michael, and adjure thee by my Son, who took the staff from 
the hand of Mastema and gave it to thee and gave thee a famous 
name ; I conjure thee and will not release thee till thou fulfil for 
me all the incantations l of my tongue, namely, this water and 
this oil that are before me ; that they may be for healing in 
[the body?] (p. I£.) of NN., the son of NN,, that he may be as 
new in his bones, removing from him every sickness and every 
trouble and every infirmity and every plot of the Adversary. Let 
them depart from every one who shall wash in this water and 
this oil, through the power of God Almighty. Let there retire 
from him every unclean spirit, each one going to his place through 
the might of our holy prayer. (P. ifi) I conjure thee, too, Gabriel, 
that brought me the good tidings of the birth of my son ; I conjure 
thee and adjure thee and will not release thee till thou fulfil for 
me all the incantations of my tongue, so that in the hour in which 
I shall wash in this water and this oil, I NN., the son of NN. [thou 
mayst ?] draw thy (?) sharp sword 2 which pursues the demons in 
the place where they are, so that they (?) become like dust of the 
earth [in ?] a wind. I adjure Thee by the five nails that were 
fixed in Thy holy body upon the cross, that Thou send [me a 
host?] of (p. I\7) angels, that they may stand with me until what is in 
my heart be fulfilled, namely this water and this oil that lie in my 
presence. Let them (MS. it) become a water of healing in the body 
of NN., that in the hour in which he shall wash in it, every unclean 
spirit may flee from him, and if he is being (magically) practised 

1 Or " charms." 'AiroAoyi'o is a Gnostic term for the phrases, generally icpiaia 
ypafifiara, by the potency of which the suDernatural powers could be compelled. 
■v. Pap. Bruce, ed. C. Schmidt, pp. 127, 215, 478, etc., also Pist. Soph., 291, etc. 
This, no doubt, is also the meaning of <£.noXo f so frequent in Rossi's Trattato, 
and which Amelineau (Nokv. traite gnost., p. n) does not explain. 2£CUK 
€IlOA must here mean "conform to." 

2 Cf. A.Z. xxxiv, 87. 

217 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

upon, let it {i.e. the spirit) return upon the head of him that invoked 
(? lit. wrote) it {lit. them), 1 through the might of Thy strong name, 
Jesus the Christ, my beloved son. Let NN., the son of NN., 

increase in (?) his soul and [his ?] and become as on the day 

on which he was born. For I am Maria, Thy mother. I call upon 
Thee, Jesus, my son and (?) . . . ." 

77. Fragment of a Patriarchal History. 

The earlier text with which all six leaves were covered is written 
in two columns, in a small sloping hand, of Zoega's 9th class. It is 
probably therefore of no great age. 

My attention was first attracted by the name of " the Bishop 
Zoilus," which shows that the texts relate to that obscure period ot 
the Monophysite struggle during which Justinian had attempted, 
by the deposition of the intractable Jacobite Theodosius 2 and the 
appointment of Paul, 3 to restore the Catholic predominance in the 
distracted church of Alexandria. Paul's tenure of office was 
however short, and in 541 he too was deposed by a synod at Gaza 
and succeeded by Zoilus, 4 the Jacobite majority still regarding the 
exiled Theodosius as their true patriarch. 

What our MS. offers is far too meagre to be of much assistance 
in clearing up obscurities. Most of such sentences as can be 
consecutively deciphered are cast in the 1st pers. pi., and appear to 
address now one, now several hearers. Of narrative passages almost 
nothing remains. Some 30 lines can be counted in the best 
preserved pages, with the lower, but never the upper margins. The 
speeches which occur are signalized by quotation-marks at each line. 
The lacunse are of too uncertain size to be exactly measured, and 
the dots here printed bear no relation to their extent. The readings 

1 A tentative translation. The pronouns appear to be confused. 

2 M. Revillout promised a Life of Theodosius years ago (z>. Les Blanmycs 66), 
but has not as yet published it. 

3 There is a confusion in the Arabic texts between Paul of Tanis and of 
Tabennese. Those of Severus in the Brit. Mus. {Or. 26100, ff. 46, 47 and Or. 
1338, ff. 49, 50) show complete uncertainty. John of Nikiou (transl. p. 516) has 
clearly Tabennese. Eutychius has merely " Paul." 

4 Of Zoilus nothing is known. He came, according to John of Nikiou 

(p. 282), from " the town of /^TlA^-P " 'Aklanya. The continuator of 
Zacharias Rhetor (Land, Anecd. Ill, 316) calls him a monk, m|-»? »*J|, 
whom the members of the Gaza Synod brought from Palestine to Alexandria. 
I owe this reference to Mr. E. W. Brooks. 

218 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

and restitutions are often most questionable. The pages are here 
indicated by the numbers which they bear referring to the later 
text (no. I above). As to their sequence only so much can be said : 
that the pairs ft, jv and v, TK ', lH, ^ and J, €j F, O and 
p ? H are in each case Recto and Verso of a single fol. ; though it 
may be difficult to decide which are the Rectos, which the Versos. 

A. Pp. F, e oYc£><LitT<L[ci<L <Lrt] <lXX<l K£.n 

ercc^rt[jULo]nrre [ep]o[q] xepeq[cy]JULcyeei2^a3- 
Xort neieTToifJULe neTnxco [jUL]ji*.oq rtee v^p 
nnefTjAJLJUL^-r e^/cepA/rcofonffn: eT-^cupi^. 
JULnrt[oT]Te .... <Lnf[ajAJi]aje rtrt&iKuon: rt2U- 

JULOrtlOrt ^.T[OT]030J r T" JULnC(J0OT(? CCOItT") It ... . 

[ttxe]i^e 2/jocjdk [jui]nej<nicT-eTe exJULrrr- 
[itoJTTe jmiumoitove[rt]Hc e<Lqpc<Lp£ k<l . «<l 
. . . [eq]oTaort ( p > e&oX rrr[iUL]rrrcnr<L rtTeTpi^-C 
[e]To*c£.£.& ^.nruo £..... ta. juljulok npeq[cyji*.]- 
cyeptujute <&.tuu [n]peqc^juLcyeno*irre [<L]it 
£,itjultt .... ne^cc [nXJovoc juinrtovT-e 
JULrtfTeJqjULitTOT^. rtA/rcy^xe] epoc 1 £,p£.i 
h&htc (margin) (col. 2) . . . . neTitJULeTe enexpc 
ic u[juLorto]veitHc rtajnfpe] m~e nrtcnrre n^.[i] 
eTKOYaoajT- n[<Lq] ^itonfnpocKT[rtK]cic rtoirurr 
xeqc^ ovp[u)]jme v<Lp <Litne [e<Lq]jmov 
£,£.port K^.[rt] eTexrtJULeTe e[poc] uo ncynpe 
rtrtfecjruopioc n^o-yo ^.[e] ncynpe jultt^i^.E.0- 
[Xoc <l]XX<l nXofvoc] JULTirt[cnrT]e tuu)[tt] 
eT-cgoon £,£.eK nne.Licjort THpfonr] nem~£.qp- 
pcw[jULe] ^nonfjuLm-^.T~[no]£.e <Lqppux*Ji[e] 
g J nosxwK e[&oX] £,rtoirrirtZ eq[o] £,JUUUL<Lpi<L 
T-e[uA.p]eertoc eTonr^^fK] eTT^iHT ctj£.[ertegj 
£.qi~ ^iuxjoq [juLii]em[e] (margin). 

" .... is no phantasm. And even if we call thee (?) idolater, 
it is truth that we speak. For like as those, knowing not the gift 

1 As in Zoega 605 inf. 
219 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-LOLOGY. [1897. 

of God 1 .... served the images of demons 2 and worshipped the 
creature (?) 3 ... . so too thou hast not believed on the Godhead 
of the only-begotten (Son), who became flesh . . . ., revealing the 
unity of the holy Trinity, and .... thee a worshipper of man and 
not of God through .... the Christ, the Word of God, and His 
ineffable unity .... that we think of the Christ, Jesus, the only- 
begotten Son of God, whom we worship in a single adoration 
(v-pooicvvriais). For His flesh is not man who (?) died for us, even 
if ye think it (?), oh, ye children of Nestorius, nay more, children 
of the Devil ! But (He is) the Word of God the Father, who was 
before all worlds, who became man in sinlessness, and became a 
perfect man, by (?) a spirit which was in Mary the Virgin, holy and 
honourable for ever, and took on Himself the likeness . . . . " 

Pp. z, , H, col. I, mostly illegible. The words rtAJUUL^K 
"with thee," H<Lrt "to us," are discernible; further on, the impor- 
tant phrase IO**2^LC It&ppe "New Judas," JjAyM L^ J ^:1 whence 
we have a clue to the events with which this part at least of the 
text is concerned. For Severus relates 4 that this was the name 
given by the hostile Alexandrians to Justinian's nominee, Paul. 
The foregoing words make it likely that we have here the reproaches 
or defiance addressed by the people (or perhaps clergy) to Paul, 
and this may explain also what we read on pp. $>, -0, where the 
speakers clearly contrast their (Jacobite) orthodoxy with the heresy 
of the person they address. Col. II seems also to be in the 1st 
pers. pi. In it occurs the word ItK^.X^IT'on; "of Chalcedon.'' 

B. Pp. iX, ^ [o]**JUL<Lrt£ ;< Lpe < p ( <l**uj cyA/Tn^/ir 

nxoeic KitA.rtcnrtf'c epon ojA.fioX neK<5~uorrr 
n<LjmoY < p, nee rcoTK(ju < p/T nco^T rrreKopVH 
exrm&eenoc eT-ejuLnfoJfcovuortr ^tud [e]xrc 
[juuuLrrrepo] exejuLnonfeniK^Xei [e]neKp«Lit 
xe<L** [otoojul] rti<LKco.ft [<l**u)] <LYp [neq] jul<l 
rtx^ie ^,ertKooT[e] on xei.KTi.^[T 6]tootot 
rt£,e[npcujut]e n^rtojuioc [rtx<Lxe] rt^nocTA-XHc 
<l**uo eTooTq eitoirppo rtpeqxincTbrcc ^/ruo 

1 John iv, 10. 2 Cf. Apoc. ix, 20. 

3 Cf. Rom. i, 25. * Renaudot, p. 141. 



May 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

[jUL]nortHpoc n^.p^. [n]K£.g, xnpq [<L]rtort xe<Lrt 
.... [n]xoerc n<LpA. rt[£,ee]rtoc THpoT [i/cjou 
Titefifirmf [iri-pA.] tik,L£, THpq .... eT-ftenert- 
rtofie [margin) {col. 2) . . . . cr^e .... oY2^e 
cyoT^Hn[e] .... t£.X[u5ott] JULi\[eK]jULTo e&oX 
expert .... ^.rtort .... xenopeo2,[o^]o[c 
£,it]cnfn£.pHci[£.] .... Titrt^. .... juuulok .... 
JULicye JULnnrtoTTe jultuulto .... jmrtrtpuuJULe 
JULn[neq]ojJULoje rt£.ceiiH[c] gtooot ^'tg .... 
eport <lh ejuL^/re .... eeepecic julc^tcic crrre 
T^-i rtxuoxn eT~eTrtxojUL[juL]oc (margin). 

" .... a place to dwell in. And how long, Lord, wilt Thou 
be wroth with us for ever ? Shall thy fury blaze as a fire ? Pour 
out Thine anger upon the nations that have not known Thee and 
upon the kingdoms that have not called upon Thy name ; for they 
have devoured Jacob, they have made his place desert. 1 Others too 
hast Thou given into the hand of lawless and apostate hostile men, 
and into the hand of a King violent and wicked above all the earth. 2 
As for us, we have .... the Lord above all nations, and we are 
humbled beyond all the earth .... because of our sins .... neither 
.... nor incense offered (?) in Thy presence, that we may .... we 
.... orthodox openly .... we will .... Thee .... contend with 
God before .... with men and with their evil worship .... not to 
us only .... the heresy of two natures which ye say (?)...." 

Pp. I, e. On these nothing can be read. The prayer of which 
the above is a passage is offered by the Monophysites, probably 
on account of the unsympathetic treatment they had received at the 
Emperor's hands. The last words seem however to be addressed 
to the Catholics ; but the reading is very doubtful. 

C. Pp. E, rr. Very little legible at first naopx 

ercercepHT xertrteveuuLe exe ! TtoXic &.tuo nxoi 

sic 

itT^rtei £,iouoq JULrtx^noeHKH I Tit . . . . 
exooxq x[e]£,oT-A.rt eKcy^rtrt^T eport ert<L- 
JUL£.£/re JULitemcKonoc &opoK (1 for ,p,lo epoK) 

1 Ps. lxxix, Sff. " Dan iii, 32 (Song of 3 Child. \. 

221 S 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

aj^rrritxooc ru.K JULrcitcLOTKo-ri 2^e enrecoT- 
cn^nr rteuoo-irrne <Lqi eTc**ri<L£ic rt<5~i ^udhXoc 
ueuicKonoc .... 

" . . . . separate ourselves, for they know not the (?) city and the 
ship upon which we embark and the store .... [commanded him] 
saving, 'When thou seest us laying hold upon the Bishop, wait (?) 
until we shall tell thee.'" But after a little, namely upon the 2nd 
of Thoth, the Bishop Zoilus went to the Synaxis . . . . " 

Pp. v,iK ^ertptJUJULe rtpeqprto&e . . . . 2^e 

^rrruicT-ic juuierraoeic ic u[e3c^] u<u rrr£.q- 

JULOT .... 

"sinful men .... but in the faith of our Lord Jesus, the Christ, 
He who died 

Here the first pair of pages seems to refer to some movement 
for the seizure presumably of Zoilus, the Catholic patriarch. The 
second pair may be connected with the texts on pp. I£. ff., and 
should, if so, preceed pp. V, I&. 

Would it be possible by the help of the above data — the day 
of the month and the celebration of the Communion, — to fix the 
year for these events ? 



The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 37, 

Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, 1st 

June, 1897, at 8 p.m. when the following Paper will be 

read : — 

Mr. II. Rassam : "Abraham and the Land of his Nativity." 






May 4} PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE 
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY. 



Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting them to the 

Society. 

Alker, E., Die Chronologie der Bucher der Konige und Paralipomenon im 
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder. 

Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac. 

Contes de 1'Egypte Chretienne. 

La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere. 

AmiaUD, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu. 

A., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes 

et Assyriennes. 

Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts. 



Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und 

die Gotter der Heiden. 
Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest. 
Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850. 

Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vol. 
I— III (Brugsch). 

Recueil de Monuments figyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies pas 

H. Brugsch et J. Dumichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen 
of vols. 3 and 4.) 
Budinger, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum 

Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis. 
Burckhardt, Eastern Travels. 

Cassel, Paulps, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen. 
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873. 
Dumichen, Ilistorische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867. 

2nd series, 1869. 

— Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886. 

Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio. 



Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers. 

Erman, Papyrus Weslcar. 

Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880. 

Gayet, E. , Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre. 

Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877. 

Vingt-qualre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de. 

Grant-Bey, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerted 

on the Religions that came in contact with it. 
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze 
Hummel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892. 



May 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

Jastrow, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian "Dibbarra" Epic. 

Tensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier. 

Tkremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukaunezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson- 

derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen. 
Toachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde. 
Johns HOPKINS University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative 

Semitic Philology. 
Krebs, F. , De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio. 
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum 

Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichiignung der Re- 

sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie. 
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. 
Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2 me partie. "Osiris." 

Legrain, G., Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre. 
Lehmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173; 

47 plates. 
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 1S80. 
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia. 
MULLER, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien. 
Noordtzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out- 

dekkingen. 
Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa. 
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy. 
Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a. l'epoque des Pyramides. 

Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides. 

Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage. 

Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee. 

Schaeffer, Coinmentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi. 

Schouw, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris. 

Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache. 

Strauss and Tokney, Der Alt'agyptishe Gotterglaube. 

Virey, P., Quelques Observations sur 1'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d un 

Monument Egyptien. 
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891. 
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue 

biblique. Lausanne, 1890. 
Wilcken, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben. 
Wii.tzke, De Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra. 
YVinckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II. 

Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament. 

Wkissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art. 

Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum. 

Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1S66 

to 1878. 
Zimmern, H., Die Assyriologie als Hiilfswissenschaft fur das Studium des Alten 

Testaments. 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS. 



; In 8 Parts. Price 5s. each. The Fourth Part having been issued, the Price is 
now Raised to £5 for the 8 Parts. Parts cannot be sold separately. 

The Egyptian Book of the Dead. 

Complete Translation, Commentary, and Notes. 
By SIR P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Knt. {President); 

CONTAINING ALSO 

M &erirs of plates of tijc Ftpettes of tfte trtffercitt ©Jjaptcrs. 

The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates from 

Balawat. 

[Shalmaneser II, b.c. 859-825.] 



Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers. 

In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus the price for 
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Price 7s. 6d. Only a Limited Number of Copies will be Printed. 

THE PALESTINIAN SYRIAC VERSION OF THE HOLY 

SCRIPTURES. 

Four Recently Discovered Portions (together with verses from the 
Psalms and the Gospel of St. Luke). Edited, in Photographic Facsimile, 
from a Unique MS. in the British Museum, with a Transcription, Transla- 
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REV. G. MARGOLIOUTH, M.A., 

Assistant in the Department of Oriental Pt-inted Books and MSS. in the British 
Mtiseum ; formerly Tyriuhitt Hebrew Scholar. 



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Society of Biblical Archaeology. 



COUNCIL, 1897. 



President. 
Sir P. le Page Renouf, Knt. 

Vice-Presidents, 

The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York. 

The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c, &c. 

The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney. 

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Council. 

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Thomas Christy, F.L.S. Walter L. Nash, F.S.A. 

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Gray Hill. 

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VOL. XIX. Part 6. 



PROCEEDINGS 



THE SOCIETY 



BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. 



VOL. XIX. TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION. 

Sixth Meeting, [une 1st, 1897. 



CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Sir P. le Page Renouf {President). — The Book of the Dead. 

Chapters CXXXVIIa-CXXXIX. [zFlates) 225-228 

The Hon. Miss Plunkett. — The Median Calendar and the 

Constellation Taurus. (5 Plates.) Note by Mr. J. Offord. 

Additional Note by Miss Plunkett 229 249 

Alfred Boissier. — Note sur un linteau de porte decouvert en 

Assyrie par George Smith „ 250-251 

PROF. Dr. Aug. Eisenlohr. — The Rollin Papyri and their 

Baking Calculations [conclusion) 252-265 



■&&- 



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TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION, 1897. 



Sixth Meeting, ist June, 1897. 
Rev. Dr. A. LOWY. 

IN THE CHAIR. 



-<££- 



The Chairman announced with deep regret the 
irreparable loss the Society, with the world of science, 
had suffered by the decease, on May the 21st, of Sir 
A. W. FRANKS, K.C.B., F.R.S., etc., etc., President of 
the Society of Antiquaries. 



[No. CXLVII.] 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [1897. 

The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author : — Dr. Fritz Hommel. The Ancient Hebrew 
Tradition as illustrated by the Monuments, a protest against 
the Modern School of Old Testament criticism. Translated 
into English by Edmund McClure, M.A., and Leonard 
Crossle. 8vo. London. 1897. 

From the Author : — Dr. A. Wiedemann. Zu dem Thierkult 
der Alten Aegypter. 4to. Leide. Extr. Melanges Charles 
de Harlez. 

Dr. A. Wiedemann. G. Maspero. Histoire ancienne 

des Peuples de l'Orient classique. Notice. Neue Phil. 
Rundschau, Nr. 20. 8vo. 

G. Mareroliouth, M.A. Ibn Al-Hitl's Arabic Chronicle 



of Karaite Doctors. Edited, translated, and annotated. 
8vo. London. 1897. [Jewish Quarterly Review '.] 

- Arthur Lincke. Kambyses in der Sage, Litteratur und 



Kunst des Mittlealters. 8vo. Leipsig. 1897. Sep.-Abdr. 
Aegyptiaca-Festschrift fiir Georg Ebers, zum 1 Miirz, 1897. 
Rev. P. A. Cesare de Cara, S. J. Gli Hethei-Pelasgr 



d'Oriente. Conclusione storico-critiche Estrat. Civilt. Catt. 

Serie XVI. Vol. X. 8vo. Roma. 1897. 
From the Rev. Dr. Lowy : — A Souvenir of the Rev. Dr. A. 

Lowy's Eightieth Birthday, Speeches on presentation of a 

congratulatory address, Sunday, December 13th, 1896. 8vo. 

London. 1896. Reprinted from The Jewish Chronicle. 
Middath Yamenu, The Measure of our Days, 

A Song of Affection to Brothers and Friends, by the Rev. Dr. 

Lowy, on his Eightieth Birthday, December 8th, 1896. Svo. 

London. 
From Walter L. Nash, F.S.A. : — A Series of large Photographs 

taken by him in Egypt during his recent visit. 



A Paper by Mr. H. Rassam was read, entitled : " Abraham 
and the Land of his Nativity." 

Remarks were added by Mr. Theo. G. Pinches, Mr. Rassam,. 
and the Chairman. 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 

224 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



BOOK OF THE DEAD. 
By Sir P. le Page Renouf. 



CHAPTER CXXXVIIa. 

Chapter whereby a Light is kindled ( 1 ) for a person. 

Oh Light ! let the Light be kindled for thy Ka, O Osiris 
Chentamenta. Let the Light be kindled for the Night which 
followeth the Day : the Eye of Horus which riseth at thy temple (2) : 
which riseth up (3) over thee and which gathereth upon thy brow ; 
which granteth thee its protection and overthroweth thine enemies. 

Undefiledly (bis) and successfully (bis) : 

The light is kindled for Osiris Unnefer : with fresh vases and 
raiment like the Dawn. 



CHAPTER CXXXVIIb. 

Chapter whereby a Light is kindled for a person. 

The Eye of Horus cometh, the Light one : the Eye of Horus 
cometh, the Glorious one. 

Come thou, propitiously, shining like Ra from the Mount of 
Glory, and putting an end to the opposition (4) of Sutu. 

The prescription (5) of her (6) who hath raised him up, and 
seized upon the Light for him, and who putteth an end to the 
troubles against thee, like the Mount of Glory. 

225 T 2 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGY. [1S97. 

Notes. 

The two most ancient authorities for this chapter, as it is found 
in the Turin Todtenbuch and the late recension, are one of the four 
tablets of the Museum of Marseilles, published by M. Naville (Les 
tjuatrc steles orientees du Mush de Marseille), and the Berlin papyrus 
of Nechtuamon. The chapter which M. Naville has published as 
137A, in the first volume of his own Todtenbuch, and which is taken 
from the papyrus of Nebseni, is manifestly, I think, not the orignal 
text, but another edition very considerably revised and enlarged. 
And, in imitation of the rubric of ch. 64, it concludes with a veracious 
statement, that it was discovered by Prince Hortatef in a secret 
chest in the temple of Unnut, and was brought away by the royal 
carriages. 

These texts are found among the texts preserved in the tomb 
of Petamenemapt (see Zeilschr., 1883, Taf. 1), but with various 
additions, and have been appropriated by the Ritual of Amnion, 
published by Dr. O. von Lemm. 

The solemn ceremony of Kindling the Light for the dead is 
repeatedly mentioned in the Siut inscriptions of Hapit'efae. 

1. Kindle I ~ 2 j, 1 conveys the same notion as II p \\ JJ\ 

in the title of 137B. The Ammon Ritual has I Mj I ri^^lA 

strike a Light. Dr. von Lemm thinks that by a play of words it is 
implied not only that a light but Sut is struck. 

2. At thy temple *§\ 1 Ba and Marseilles ; V\ y* 
\ „ v\ in Abydos, Aa and Petamenemapt. 

Risetli up o , Ba, q ^ Marseilles ; lp\ QA ll (I 



Aa '*hV 



Q. 



Aa, tps \ Petamenemapt. 



4. Opposition y y y , where 9 ' s = {\/\ as * n ^ ne Sallier 
Calendar. The sense is made clear in the parallel passages 

\\ ^ 1 n 

^, if not an error of recent transcribers, 



is a wrong reading for i?> which is very distinctly written in the 

Nebseni papryus. 

226 



PLATE XXXIX. 



Proc. Soc. Bill, Arch., June, 1897. 



BOOK OF THE DEAD. 




Chapter CXXVI. Papyrus of Ani. 








Chapter CXXIX. 
Musee du Louvre, Papyrus III, 36. 



Chapter CXXVI. 
British Museum Papyrus, No. 9913. 




Chapter CXXX. Papyrus, Leyden, VI. 



PLATE XL. 



Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1897. 
BOOK OF THE DEAD. 



P 



■Q 



q 





Chapter CXXXI. Chapter CXXXII. 

Papyrus, Musee du Louvre, No. 3079. Brit. Mus. Papyrus, No. 9964, 





Chapter CXXXII. 
Papyrus, Brocklehurst, II. 



Chapter CXXXIII. 
Papyrus, British Museum, No. 9900. 




Chapter CXXXI V. Papyrus of Ani, British Museum. 







Chapter CXXXIV. Papyrus, British Museum, No. 9900. 





Chapter CXXXVI. 
Papyrus, Brit. Mus., No. 9913. 



Chapter CXXXVI. 
Papyrus, Brit. Mus., No. 9900. 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

5. Prescription \\ ^\ J^ . 

6. Her. The Vignette in the Nebseni papyrus exhibits the 
goddess Apit, in hippopotamus form, lighting the light. Over her 

are the words (J £\7\ M T ^ = > " Apit, mistress of divine 

12llon n Am 

protections." 



CHAPTER CXXXVIII. 

Chapter whereby one is enabled to enter into Abydos. 

Oh all ye gods who are in Abydos, [each one and his] (1) 
divine circle likewise in its entirety, who are coming with 
icclamation to meet me : let me see my father Osiris : let me 
be held as one who cometh forth as of his house (2). 

I am Horus, the Lord of Kamit, and the heir of Tesherit,(3) 
which I have also seized. I, the invincible one, whose eye is potent 
against his adversaries : who avengeth his father, and is fierce at 
the drowning of his mother ; (4) who smiteth his adversaries and 
)utteth an end to violence on their part. . . . (5). 

Oh thou of the potent Lock, king of hosts, who art seized 
of the Two Worlds ; whose father's house is seized (6) [by him] 
in virtue of the writs (7) ; my balance is perfectly even, my voice 
is law, and I prevail over all mine adversaries. (8) 

Notes. 

1. [Each one and his]. These words are necessary for the 
purpose of bringing out the meaning of the text. Every god, it 
has already been said, has his circle of associates. The feminine 



suffix — h — after 



.41 



o 



shows the concordance with 



fl fi rJf 1 , which, like other collective nouns, is of the feminne 

&1JJ1 1 — 1 — 1 ±!A 1 

gender. 

2. The exact text here is doubtful, and the sense of u\\\ x^ 

depends upon it. vb\ Jllj^ or -It- [[[[] is the well known title of a 

227 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1897. 

priestly official, whose presence was required in the ritual of the dead. 
He is sometimes in attendance upon royal personages. Here 
according to its etymological sense the word might simply mean a 
relative. 

3. Kamit r — I ^|\ ^ , the "Black Land" is Egypt; Tesherit 

1 "_J jf, the "Red Land," is whatever lies beyond the limits of 

<=> r\/\/]' 

Egypt. 

4. The drowning of his mot her c*=>^ Q (1(1 ^ *™™ ^ Vs. ji| ^^ . 

All AAA/W\ fV tj \ J 

Drowning may be too strong a word, but immersion at least is meant. 
We are at present without any other reference to this incident in the 
career of the goddess Isis. 

5. Here occurs a word, 1 ^ QA or I ^ Q7\, of doubtful 

meaning. As the next word to it begins a sentence, it must be 
considered as connected with the words preceding it. I am not 
satisfied that " silently " or " causing silence " would be a grammatical 
solution of the question. 

6. Seized (throughout this chapter) in the juridical sense of seisin 
or feudal possession. 



7- Writs - — fl Tipj , a reading of three early papyri, which 

lias disappeared in the later ones. The Turin Todtenbuch has 
3^ . " with his two hands." 



8. Here the chapter ends in Pi, and even sooner in the later texts. 
The three older papyri differ as to the words which immediately 
follow and are certainly corrupt and untelligible. 

CHAPTER CXXXIX 

is identical with CHAPTER CXXIII. 




228 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



THE MEDIAN CALENDAR AND THE CONSTELLATION 

TAURUS. 

By Hox. E. M, Plunkett. 

In a former number* of these Proceedings we contrasted as 
follows, what we believed to be the calendar of the Accadians with 
that of the inhabitants of Lagash : — 

" In Accad the calendar makers clung to the originally instituted 
star-mark j for the year, and made it begin with the sun's entry into 
[the constellation] Aries, therefore by degrees the beginning of their 
year moved away from the Winter Solstice, and in the 1st century 
B.C. coincided very closely with the Spring Equinox. 

"In Lagash, on the contrary, the calendar makers clung to the 
originally established season of the year, and made it begin at the 
Winter Solstice ; therefore by degrees the beginning of their year 
moved away from the constellation Aries, and in Gudea's time 
[about 2800 B.C.] the new year's festival was held in honour of the 
goddess Bau = Gula = Aquarius." 

We now desire to draw attention to the Median Calendar, which 
appears to have differed from that used, as above suggested, in 
Accad or in Lagash ; inasmuch as the beginning of the Median 
year was not dependent on the sun's entry into the constellation 
Aries, as in Accad ; nor was it fixed to the season of the Winter 
Solstice as in Lagash. 

The beginning of the Median year was fixed to the season of the 
Spring Equinox, and remaining true to that season, followed no star 
mark. The great importance however of Tauric symbolism in 
Median art seems to point to the fact that when the equinoctial 
year was first established the spring equinoctial point was in the 

* Feb., 1S96, XVIII, 67. 

t A star mark, as earlier suggested, first established when the Winter Solstice 
oincided with the suirs entry into the constellation Aries, i.e., about 6000 B.C. 

229 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S97. 

constellation Taurus. Astronomy teaches us that was the case, 
speaking in round numbers, from 4000 to 2000 B.C. 

It is true that we have no documentary proof of the existence of 
a Median equinoctial calendar in the remote past, such as that 
which we possess in the Babylonian standard astrological works 
regarding the ancient sidereal Accadian calendar. We have however 
among the modern representatives of the Medes, the Persians, 
a very distinctive calendrical observance, namely, that of the 
" Nowroose," or the festival of the new year ; and we have the 
Persian tradition that the institution of this festival was of fabulous 
antiquity. We quote from Ker Porter's remarks on this subject : — ■ 

" The 21st of March, the impatiently anticipated day of the most 
joyous festival of Persia, at last arrived. It is called the feast of the 
Nowroose, or that of the commencement of the new year ; and its 
institution is attributed to the celebrated Jeemshid, who, according to 
the traditions of the country, and the fragments yet preserved of its 
early native historians, was the sixth in descent from Noah, and the 
fourth sovereign of Persia, of the race of the Kaimours, the grandson 
of Noah .... But to return to the feast of the Nowroose, it is 
acknowledged to have been celebrated from the earliest times in 
Persia, independent of whatever religion reigned there ; whether the 
simple worship of the one great Being, or under the successive rites 
of Magian, Pagan, or Mahomedan institutions." 

This equinoctial and " Solar " year, as the writer proceeds to 
point out, is adhered to by the Persians, though they, being 
Mahomedans, also celebrate Mahomedan " lunar " festivals, and for 
many purposes make use of the Mahomedan "lunar year." 

It is easy to see how greatly the Persian Nowroose differs from 
the purely lunar Mahomedan anniversaries — anniversaries which in 
the course of about thirty-two and a half years necessarily make a 
complete circuit through the seasons. The difference, though not so 
marked, which exists between the purely " solar " Nowroose and all 
" soli-lunar " festivals such as those of the Babylonians should also 
be taken note of. These last, like our Easter, were dependent on 
the phases of the moon, and were therefore "moveable." The 
Persian Nowroose, like our Christmas Day, is an " immovable " 
festival — fixed to the day of the Spring Equinox.* 

* A purely lunar year contains only twelve lunar months or 354 days. 
A "li-lunar year contains sometimes twelve and sometimes thirteen lunar 
months ; in some years, therefore, 354 days, in others 383 or 384 days. 

230 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

]\Iodern tradition concerning the distinctively Persian custom of 
celebrating the Nowroose would if it stood alone furnish very slight 
grounds on which to found a far reaching theory ; but historical 
evidence confirms this tradition to a great extent, by teaching us that 
the Median and Persian worshippers of Ahura Mazda, and of 
Mithras, certainly under the Sassinide dynasty, and almost with 
equal certainty under the Achsemenid kings, kept their calendar and 
celebrated their religious festivals in a manner differing from that of 
the surrounding nations : their months were not lunar, their years 
were not soli-lunar but distinctly " solar," and the Spring Equinox 
was the date to which as closely as possible the beginning of their 
year was fixed. 

In Darmstetter's translation of the Zend Avesta the Persian 
months are treated of in Appendix C, p. 33, and in Appendix D, 
p. 37, we read of the Persian years : — 

" L'annee etait divisee en quatre saisons, correspondant aux 
notres ; cette division ne parait guere que dans les textes post- 
avesteens ; mais il-y-a dans l'Avesta meme des traces de son 
existence ancienne. La division normale de l'annee est, dans 
l'Avesta, en deux saisons ete et hiver : Fete ha/na, qui comprend 
les sept premiers mois (du i re Farvardin au 3o nie Milos, soit du 
2 1 Mars au 1 6 Octobre .... Cette division a une valeur religieuse 
non seulement pour le ritual, mais aussi pour les pratiques qui 
varient selon la saison." 

The worship of the Persian sun-god Mithras was introduced into 
Rome about the time of the fall of the Republic. How far this 
worship differed from that taught in the Zoroastran writings we need 
not inquire ; however changed it may have been, it was evidently 
originally derived from a Persian or a Median source. The worship 
of Mithras, in spite of much opposition, gained many followers in 
Rome. The birthday of the sun-god was, we read, kept at the 
"Winter Solstice, but the greatest festivities in his honour, " the 
mysteries of Mithras" were celebrated on the day of the Spring 
Equinox, and were famous even among Roman festivals. Let us 



A purely solar year has no reference to the phases of the moon, and contains 
never less than 365 days. 

To keep our solar year true to the seasons, one day, at leap year, is added 
to the ordinary year of 365 days. According to Darmstetter, thirty days were 
added once in every hundred and twenty years to the ordinary Median year 
of 365 days. 

831 



Mm; i] SOCIETY OK BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

now turn our attention to the Tauric symbolism so closely connected 
with Mithraic observances in Rome. 

A writer in the Athenaum thus describes a Roman Mithraeum : — 
" 1 h'scovery was made during some excavations at Ostia* of a 
handsome house containing among its various rooms a Mithraeum .... 
Into the kitchen opens a narrow and tortuous passage, from which by 
a small half concealed staircase the Mithraeum is reached .... it is 
quadrangular and regular in shape, as is usually the case in buildings 
of the kind. Almost the whole length of the two lateral walls run 
two seats, and on the side opposite the door is seen a little elevation, 
which served as the place for the usual statue of Mithras, in the act 
of thrusting his dagger into the neck of the mystic Bull. A very 
singular peculiarity of this little Ostian Mithraeum is that it is 
entirely covered with mosaics — pavements, seats, and walls alike. 
The various figures and the symbols are splendidly drawn, and all 
executed in black tesserae on a white ground. Upon each side of 
the seats turned to the entrance door is figured a genius bearing a 
lamp, that of the genius of the Spring Equinox with the face raised, 
and that of the Autumn Equinox with the face cast down .... It 
is known in fact that the whole myth of Mithras is related to the 
phases of the sun .... hence are represented in the ground below 
the seats all the twelve signs of the zodiac by means of the usual 
symbols, but each accompanied by a large star upon the front of the 
seats themselves." 

In the many sculptures of the Mithras group similar to that 
above described, which have been so well figured in Lajard's " Culte 
de Mithras," various heavenly bodies are represented. The scorpion 
(the constellation Scorpio of the Zodiac opposed to Taurus) joins 
with Mithras in his attack upon the Bull, and always the genii of the 
Spring and Autumn Equinoxes are present in joyous and mournful 
attitudes. 

In looking at these plates the conviction is clearly forced upon 
our minds that the bull so persistently, and we may add so serenely, 
slain by Mithras in these Roman representations is the Zodiacal 
Bull, overcome, and as it were destroyed or banished from heaven 
in the daytime by the Sun-god and at night by Scorpio, the constellation 
in opposition. With almost equal conviction we arrive at the con- 
clusion that this triumph of Mithras was associated traditionally — 

.]//!, 11,, inn, 1886, Oct. 30 and Nov. 6. 
232 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

in Roman days it could only have been traditionally — with the 
occurrence, at a remote date, of the Spring Equinox during the time 
that the sun was in conjunction with the constellation Taurus. 

In the ruins of Persepolis ruins of buildings designed, erected, 
and decorated by the worshippers of the supreme god Ahura Mazda, 
and of his friend and representative Mithras, Tauric symbolism 
abounds. We do not amongst these ruins find portrayals of 
Mithras as a Phrygian capped youth " thrusting his dagger into the 
neck of the mystic Bull," but again and again, in the bas-reliefs 
adorning the walls, we do find a colossal being '*" thrusting his dagger 
into the body of a still more " mystic " creature than the Bull of the 
Roman sculptures — a creature combining in one instance at least* 
the attributes of Bull, Lion, Scorpion, and Eagle, and frequently 
those of two or more of these animals. 

Perrot and Chippiez have supposed this constantly repeated 
scene to represent imaginary contests between the reigning monarch 
and all possible or impossible monsters, but a very different impres- 
sion was produced on the mind of Ker Porter by these same 
bas-reliefs, and though he did not adopt a purely astronomic theory 
to explain them, he was firmly convinced that the combat depicted 
was not one waged between an ordinary human being and an 
ordinary or extraordinary animal, but that it was a symbolical 
representation of the combat constantly carried on by Ormurzd 
(Ahura Mazda), and by his representative Mithras against the 
powers of evil and darkness.! 

With the astronomic clue to Persian symbolism put into our 
hands by the Roman sculptures, of which mention has been made, 
and by a study of the researches of Lajard, it is not difficult to 
recognise in the composite animals represented on the bas-reliefs 
allusions not only to the Zodiacal Bull, traditionally associated with 

* Plate I. 

+ " The man who contends with the animals .... is represented as a person 
of a singularly dignified mien, clad in long draperied robes, but with the arms 
perfectly bare. His hair, which is long and curled, is bound with a circlet or low 
diadem ; and his sweeping pointed beard is curled at different heights in the style 
that was worn by majesty alone .... The calmness of his air contrasted with 
the firmness with which he grasps the animals and strikes to his aim gives a 
certainty to his object, and a sublimity to his figure beyond anything elaborate 
action or ornament could effect. Erom the unchanged appearance of the hero, his 
unvaried mode of attack, its success, and the unaltered style of opposition adopted 
by every one of the animals in the contests, I can have no doubt that all mean 
different achievements towards one great aim .... " — Ker Porter's Travels. 

2 33 



jiM-ij SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

the Spring Equinox, but also to three other constellations which at 
the same date of the world's history (namely, from 4000 to 2000 B.C.) 
marked more or less accurately the remaining colures, i.e., the Lion, 
the Scorpion, and the Eagle. 

The constellations of the Lion and the Scorpion, there can be 
no doubt, were appropriate star marks for the summer and autumn 
seasons, when the spring equinoctial point was in the Bull ;* but as 
regards the Eagle it must be admitted that though it adjoins the 
zodiacal Aquarius (the constellation in which the winter solstitial 
point was then situated), yet its principal stars lie considerably to the 
north and west of that constellation. 

A reason for the substitution of the Eagle (Aquila) for the 
zodiacal water man or water jar (Aquarius or Amphora) may, 
however, be found in the fact of the very great brilliancy of the star 
A. hair in the Eagle. It is a star of the first magnitude. In the 
water man there is no star above the third. The Persians we are 
told had a tradition that four brilliant stars marked the four cardinal 
points (i.e., the colures). In Taurus, Leo, and Scorpio we find 
stars of the first magnitude : there was therefore no temptation for 
Mithraic calendar makers and mythologists to seek for an extra 
zodiacal star to mark and represent the spring, summer, or autumn 
seasons ; but for the Winter Solstice the only stars of the first 
magnitude within at all suitable distance were Aquila, to the north- 
west, or Fomalhaut, to the south of Aquarius. For a nation dwelling 
as far to the north as the Medians are supposed to have done, 
Fomalhaut (when the Winter Solstice was in Aquarius) very far to the 
south of the equator would have been rarely visible. The choice by a 
Median astronomer and symbolic artist in search of a very brilliant 
star mark for the solstice would therefore have been restricted to 
the constellation of the Eagle, containing the conspicuous Altair, a 
star of the first magnitude. 

The very constant association, not only in Persian and Median, 
but also in the mythologic art of other nations, of the Lion and 
the Eagle, seems to confirm the view here put forward, i.e., that 
the constellations of Leo and Aquila rather than of Leo and 
Aquarius were sometimes chosen to symbolise the Summer and 
Winter Solstices. 

* The solstitial and equinoctial colures were situated, speaking in round 
numbers, for 2000 years in the constellations Taurus, Leo, Scorpio, and Aquarius. 

234 



June i] PROCEEDINGS, [1S97. 

The Griffin, a fabulous animal sacred to the sun, composed of a 
Lion and an Eagle, is a well known figure in ancient classic art. 

In Babylonian and Assyrian sculptured and glyptic art Merodach 
is often represented as in conflict with a griffin. Merodach has 
been claimed by Jensen and other writers as a personification of the 
sun of the Spring Equinox. The forever recurring triumph of spring 
-over winter is probably figured in Merodach's triumph over the 
Griffin. 

The association of Eagle and Lion is to be noticed in the arms 
of the city of Lagash; they were "a double-headed Eagle standing 
on a Lion or two demi-lions."* In Lagash, as we pointed out in a 
former paper, the new year's festival appears to have been held at 
the Winter Solstice : such a supposition would furnish an astronomical 
interpretation for the arms of Lagash. f Mythologic references to 
the eagle alone are also to be met with which point to the Celestial 
Eagle (Aquila) marking the Winter Solstice in lieu of the constellation 
Aquarius. 

As for instance the Babylonian legend of the ambitious zu-bird;i: 
who stole the tablets of destiny, and thus sought to vie in power 
with "the great gods." Here we may find allusions to the substi- 
tution (deemed by some, no doubt, as unauthorised) of an extra 
zodiacal for a zodiacal constellation. 

Again, in Grecian mythology the eagle is sent by Zeus to 
•carry Ganymede up to heaven, and in Grecian astronomy Ganymede 
is placed in the constellation Aquarius. It does not therefore seem 
unreasonable to suppose that the eagle associated in the Perse- 
politan bas-reliefs with the Lion, the Bull, and the Scorpion (as at 

* Maspero, Dawn of Civilisation, p. 604. 

t In this connection the following passage from Sayce's " Hibbert Lectures," 
p. 961, is interesting : — 

" Hymn to Bel Merodach, Month Nisan 
. . . . O Zamana 1 
Why dost thou not take thy seat ? 
Bahu the queen of Kis has not cried to thee. " 

1 Zamana was the sun-god of Kis, and was consequently identified with Adarby the mytholo- 
^ists. On a contract stone he is symbolized by an eagle, which is said to be the image of the 
•southern " sun of Kis." 

We claimed in a former paper (Feb., 189s), that " the Southern sun '' was " the sun of the 
Winter Solstice," and that Gula ( = Bahu) was the name of the constellation, or of some stars 
in the constellation Aquarius. In these lines Bahu, as we have supposed, Aquarius, and 
Zamana, symbolised by the Eagle — the image 0/ the Southern sun or Winter Solstice, are 
closely associated. 

J Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 666. 

235 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

Plate I), is the constellational Eagle, symbolising the Winter Solstice, 
and that the compound animal is emblematic of the four seasons 
of the year, and also it may be of the four quarters of the world. 

If to the composite monster of the bas-reliefs we ascribe an 
astronomic motive, we shall be ready to grant the same to other 
Tauric symbolisms prominent in the Persepolitan ruins. 

With full conviction we shall recognise in the demi-bulls which 
crowned the columns in Persepolis and Susa representations of the 
demi-bull of the Zodiac. The resemblance is so striking that 
words are scarcely required to point it out when once the outlines 
of the two figures have been compared (Plate II). In the spirited 
description which we quote from Perrot and Chippiez* of these 
capitals, we mark with italics some lines which might be applied 
with exactness to the demi-bulls of the Zodiac. 

" On ne saurait cependant ne point admirer le grand gout et l'art 
ingenieux avec lequel, dans ses bustes de taureau, il [l'artiste perse] 
a plie la forme vivante au necessites de la decoration architecturale. 
II a su la simplifier sans lui enlever Taccent de la vie ; les traits 
caracteristiques de l'espece sur laquelle s'est porte son choix restent 
franchement accuses, quoique les menus details soient elirriines ; ils 
auraient risque de distraire et de troubler le regard. Les poils de 
la nuque et du dos, de I'epaule, des fanons, et des flancs sont 
reunis en masses d'un ferme contour, auquelles la frisure des 
boucles dont elles se composent donne un relief plus vigoureux ; en 
meme temps le collier qui pend au col, orne de rosaces et d'un 
riche fieuron qui tombe sur la poitrine, ecarte toute idee de realitc ; 
ce sont la des etres sacres et presque divins, que l'imagination de 
l'artiste a comme crees a. nouveau et modeles a son gre pour les 
adapter a la fonction qu'elle leur donnait a remplir. Cependant, 
tout place qu'il soit en dehors des conditions de la nature, l'animal 
n'a pas perdu sa physionomie propre. Dans le mouvement de 
la tete Ikgerement inclinee en avant et sur la cdtfr, on sent la force 
indomptee qui anime ce corps ample et puissant. Hardiment 
indiquees, la construction et la musculature des membres inferievrs 
replies sous le ventre, laissent deviner de quel elan le taureau se 
leverait et se dresserait en pied, s'il venait a se lasser de son eterne! 
repos. J'en ai fait plusieurs fois l'experience au Louvre, devant la 
parti de chapitcau colossal que notre musee doit a M. Dieulafoy : 

* Histoire de V Art dans Pantiqtdtc, Perse, ]>. 519. 
236 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

parmi les visiteurs qui se pressaient dans cette salle, parmi ceux 
memes qui semblaient le moins prepares a eprouver ce genre 
d'impressions, il n'en est pas un qui n'ait subi le charme, qui de 
maniere ou d'autre, n'ait rendu hommage a la noblesse et a l'etrange 
beaute de ce type singulier." 

For the exquisite columns crowned by these tauric capitals the 
same writers have claimed a distinctively Median origin. This 
claim they sustain at great length, and with much architectural' 
learning. They show that in their proportions, and in every detail 
of their ornamentation, the Persepolitan differed from the Ninevite, 
Grecian, or Egyptian column. They also point out that no where 
except at Persepolis and at Susa is the demi-bull of the capital to be 
met with ; and yet they express the opinion that this feature, so- 
far as is known proper to Persia, was mainly derived from, or helped, 
at least, by the models of Assyria. 

Very close resemblances can indeed be traced in Medo-Persian 
to Assyrian art, and as the Medo-Persian buildings whose ruins are 
at Persepolis and Susa were erected certainly at a later date than 
the palaces of the Assyrian kings discovered on the site of Nineveh, 
it is natural to attribute, as Perrot and Chippiez, and nearly all 
writers on the subject attribute, such resemblances to imitations on 
the part of the Medo-Persians of Assyrian art and symbolism. 

There are however some considerations which make it difficult 
to adopt this view. In the first place, the symbolism supposed to 
have been copied by the Medo-Persians was religious symbolism, 
and the religion of the Aryan Medo-Persians was very [different from 
that of the Semitic Assyrians. 

The Achasmenid kings who built their palaces at Persepolis 
claimed constantly that they were worshippers of the one great Lord 
Ahura Mazda, of whom Mithras was the friend and representative ; 
That these kings should have adopted from the polytheistic 
Assyrians not only the Tauric symbolism we have above described, 
but also, as it is suggested, the emblem of their one great Lord Ahura 
Mazda (see Plate III, figs. 1, 2, 3) from that of Assur, would in 
itself be strange, but that they should have done so when Assur 
and all his followers had, by the victorious worshippers of Ahura 
Mazda, been utterly vanquished, seems still more improbable. 

From the state in which the ruins of Nineveh "were when 
discovered by Layard, it is easy to see that, from the very day of 
the sacking of the city, it had for the most part been left just as it 

237 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S97. 

fell. It may have been rilled of its material wealth, but its literary 
and artistic treasures were left uncared for and undesired. A few- 
hundred years later the very site of Nineveh was unknown. 

With such neglect the great city would not have been treated had 
the Medo-Persian artists turned to it for inspiration and for themes 
of symbolic art with which to decorate the palaces of Persepolis. 

The resemblance, however, between Medo-Persian and Ninevite 
art is in many instances so striking that some way of accounting 
for it must be sought, and those who are dissatisfied with one 
explanation will naturally seek about to find some alternative 
suggestion. 

The alternative suggestion we would new propose is that the 
progenitors of the Assyrians at an early period of the world 's history 
borrowed Tanric and other religious symbolisms from the ancestors of 
the Medes. 

In support of this alternative suggestion the following considera- 
tions are put forward. 

Tauric symbolism, if it is at all astronomic, points us back toa 
very remote date for its first institution, to a date considerably 
earlier than that at which the existence of the Assyrian people as 
an independent nation is generally put. The symbolism we have 
already discussed must, at the latest, have been originated about 
2000 B.C. Of the Assyrians as a nation we have no monumental 
proof earlier than 1600 B.C. 

But further, in the symbol of Ahura and Assur (see Plate III, 
figs. 1, 2, 3), we believe an astonomic reference may be traced to the 
position of the colures, a reference which points us back not merely 
to a date between 4000 and 2000 B.C., but rather, and with curious 
precision, to the furthest, limit of the time mentioned, namely to 

4O00 B.C. 

To penetrate into the meaning of this symbol of Ahura we must 
study both the Median and Assyrian representations of the figure 
presiding over the winged disc, and we may also seek for further 
light to be thrown upon it by other references in Assyrian art to the 
god Assur. 

Ahura presiding over the winged circle holds in his hand a ring 
or crown ; Assur in some examples is similarly furnished; but more 
often he appears armed with bow and arrows. In this figure, 
variously equipped, we believe that the heavenly Archer, the 
zodiacal Sagittarius, is to be recognised (Plate III, fig. 4). Sagittarius, 



Pro:. Soc. MM. Arch., June, 1S97. 




Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1897. 



PLATE II. 








THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS. 



PLATE III. 



Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Jimc, 1897. 





Fig. 1. 



Fig. 





F^£> 



Fig. 2. 



Fig. 4. 



PLATE IV 



Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1S97. 




Fig. 1. 




Fig. 2 



>LATE V 



Proc. Soc. Bib!. Arch., June, 189; 



^^S^Ls. 




June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

the constellation in which the autumnal equinoctial point was situated, 
speaking in round numbers, from 6000 to 4000 B.C. 

The fact that a crown or wreath or ring often replaces the bow 
and arrows in the hand of Ahura and of Assur might at first sight 
make us doubtful as to the connection of the figure with the 
constellation Sagittarius, but a glance at the celestial globe will 
rather make this fact tell in favour of our astronomical suggestion ; 
for there we find close to the hand of the archer the ancient 
Ptolemaic constellation Corona Australis (the Southern Crown), 
actually incorporated with the zodiacal constellation Sagittarius 
(Plate III, fig. 4). 

Not only do Assur's bow and crown remind us of Sagittarius, 
but his horned tiara, resembling so closely that worn by the man- 
headed Assyrian bulls, inclines us to look for some astronomic and 
Tauric allusion in this Assyrian and Median symbol. 

True it is that, speaking generally, " Gemini " and not Taurus is 
the constellation of the zodiac opposed to Sagittarius, but owing to 
the irregularity in the shape and size of the portions assigned in the 
ecliptic to the zodiacal constellations, the extreme western degrees 
of Sagittarius are opposed to the extreme eastern degrees of Taurus 
(see Plate IV). Therefore about 4000 e.c. the equinoctial colure 
passed through the constellations of the Archer and the Bull. 

In the Assyrian Standard (depicted in Plate IV, fig. 1) we see 
the figure of an Archer above that of a galloping bull, and in 
another Assyrian Standard, that of Sargon II (Plate IV, fig. 2) we 
find not only the Archer and the Bull, the two constellations which 
4000 B.C. marked the equinoctial colure, but we may also clearly 
trace a reference to the two constellations which at the same date 
marked the solstitial colure, namely those of the Lion and the 
Waterman. 

Here the Archer dominates over a circle in which symmetrically 
duplicated Bulls appear, and duplicated Lions' heads emerge out of 
what appears to be a hollow vessel resembling a water jar ; the wavy 
lines that traverse the disc suggest streams that unitedly pour 
their waters into this jar. Below the jar again are to be seen 
halved and doubled heads, partly Lion and partly Bull. 

This standard of Assur may (like the Persepolitan monster 
earlier described) be considered as an astronomic monogram repre- 
senting the four constellations which marked the four seasons of the 
year, and the four corners of the earth. 

239 u 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1897. 

The monogram of the Standard refers us back however to an 
earlier date for its origin than does the monogram of the composite 
animal in the Persepolitan bas-relief, for in the Standard the Archer 
is opposed to the Bull, in the bas relief the Scorpion takes the place 
of the Archer, and the Eagle takes the place of the Waterman. 

The precession of the Equinoxes advances from east to west 
amongst the stars. Therefore the Scorpion marked the colure at a 
later date than did the Archer. The Eagle, as we have already 
pointed out, is considerably to the west of Aquarius, and could 
scarcely have been chosen as a substitute for that constellation 
when the colure was in its extreme eastern degrees. 

At Plate V* we give the position of the colures at 4000 B.C. ; not 
much earlier or much later than this date can we place the origin of 
the symbolism in the Standard shown at (Plate IV, fig. 2). Earlier 
not Leo and Aquarius, but Virgo and Pisces would have marked 
the solsticial colure. Later not Sagittarius but Scorpio would have 
in opposition to Taurus marked the equinoctial colure. 

At this date, 4000 B.C., suggested with such curious accuracy by 
this Assyrian Standard, we have absolutely no trace of the existence 
of the Semitic nation of the Assyrians in northern Mesopotamia. 
In Babylonia two hundred years later the Semitic Sargon I ruled 
at Accad. In the astrological work drawn up if not for Sargon yet, 
as we may judge from internal evidence, for some king of Accad, no 
mention is made of the Assyrian nation. 

The Phoenicians, the Hittites, the Kings of Gutium and the 
"Uman Manda" are then the dreaded foes of Accad. Of the 
Manda we read as follows: "The Uman Manda comes and 
governs the land. The mercy seats of the great gods are taken 
away. Bel goes to Elam." 

Professor Sayce is opposed to the view that the " Manda " are 
necessarily identical with the Medes ; but he admits that Herodotus, 
following the authority of Medo-Persian writers, claimed as Median 
the victories of the Manda. f 

If now on the authority of Herodotus and the Medo-Persian 
writers we assume, at least as a possibility, that these Manda were 

* In this diagram the central point is the pole of the Ecliptic ; owing therefore 
to the limitations imposed by the laws of projection, the colures, which on a 
celestial globe intersect each other a' ri^/it angles at the pole of the Heavens, 
cannot be correctly represented. 

t Proceedings, Vol. XVIII, Part 6, pp. 176, 177. 

240 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Medes, we should expect to find them worshippers of Ahura 
Mazda. Ahura, it is on all hands admitted, is the Iranian 
form of the Vedic " Asura," just as Mithras is the Iranian form of 
the Vedic Mitra. At whatever date the separation between Iranian 
and Vedic Aryans took place, the worship of Ahura (still probably 
under the form Asura) must have existed amongst the Iranians ; 
indeed, many have supposed that the monotheistic reform which 
placed one great Ahura or Asura above all other Asuras, and above 
the Devas, occasioned the separation of these two great Aryan 
races. 

It is for the Lord "Ahura," in early times, as we have supposed, 
called "Asura" by the Aryan Manda, that we would claim the 
astronomical symbol of the Archer presiding over the circle of the 
ecliptic, or, in other words, over the circle of the year, and of 
a year beginning at the Spring Equinox — -a year, as we have already 
pointed out, distinctively Median. 

According then to our supposition, a powerful Median race was 
established in the vicinity of Babylonia early in the fourth mille- 
nium B.C.— a race who worshipped one great Lord, first under the 
name of Asura — afterwards under that of Ahura. 

It is for these Aryan Manda or Medes that we would claim, at 
the date of 4000 B.C., the original conception of the astronomic 
monogram in which so plainly may be read allusion to the four 
constellations of the Zodiac, which at that date marked the four 
seasons and the four cardinal points, i.e., Sagittarius and Taurus, 
Aquarius and Leo. This monogram was used as a standard 
thousands of years later by the Semitic Assyrians. 

To the Manda or Medes, also, we would, as we have suggested, 
attribute the first imagining of the astronomic emblem common to 
Ahura and Assur — that of the divine Being presiding over the 
circle of the Ecliptic. 

Berosus mentions a Median dynasty as having reigned in 
Babylon for one or two hundred years. Let us now suppose that 
in this dynasty we are to recognise a temporary supremacy, over the 
whole of Babylonia, of the very Manda of whom we have been 
speaking, and then we may picture to ourselves these Manda being 
successfully driven back from Babylonia under the rule of the 
powerful Semitic Hamurabi, about 2200 B.C. The tide of conquest 
must then, it would seem, have turned in favour of the Semites, for 
some few hundreds of years after Hamurabi's date we meet in the 

241 u 2 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

inscriptions, for the first time, mention of the Semitic Assyrians, and 
we find them established in the region from whence in former times, 
as it would seem, the Uman Manda threatened the inhabitants of 
Babylonia. 

To account for the existence of the Assyrian nation, their close 
resemblance in language and race to the ruling Semitic class in 
Babylon, and yet to explain the great difference in the religion of 
these two peoples, has always been a difficulty. 

The Assyrians worshipped, and worshipped with enthusiasm, all 
the Babylonian gods ; but high above the whole Babylonian pan- 
theon they placed as their supreme and great Lord " Assur" — 
Assur whose very name is not to be met with in Babylonian 
mythology. This difficulty, continuing our suppositions, we would 
explain in the following manner : 

When the Medes had, by Hamurabi or his successors, been 
driven out of Northern Mesopotamia, they were replaced by 
Semitic settlers who (like the settlers sent into Samaria more than 
a thousand years later by a king of Assyria) adopted, to a certain 
extent, the religion of the nation whom they had dispossessed. In 
2 Kings xvii we read that in this parallel instance " the king of 
Assyria brought men from Babylon and from Cuthah, and from Ava, 
and from Hamath, and from Sepharvaim, and planted them in the 
cities of Samaria instead of the children of Israel, and they 
possessed the cities thereof." Later in the same chapter we read 
that in order to appease, as they believed, the wrath of the " God of 
the land" these idolatrous settlers, retaining in full the worship of 
all their own gods, added to it a worship of the Lord of the dis- 
possessed Israelites. 

We suppose then that the polytheistic Semites, who after 
Hamurabi's time settled in Northern Mesopotamia, acted in a 
similar manner. Coming into a region where for nearly 2000 years 
the monotheistic Medes or Manda had been established, they, to 
avert the wrath of the god of the /and, adopted to a certain extent 
his worship. In fact, like the Samaritans, "they feared the Lord 
[Asura], and served their own gods." 

This explanation of the difference in religion between the 
Babylonians and the Assryians seems to yield also an explanation of 
the resemblances between the Assyrian and Median religions, or 
rather of the resemblances between the religious art of he two 
people ; and thus we return to the problem which we set ourselves to 

242 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

discuss earlier in this paper, namely, the inadequacy of the generally 
held opinion which accounts for the resemblances in Persepolitan 
and Ninevite symbolic art by supposing that the Medes borrowed 
from the Assyrians. 

In support of the alternative suggestion put forward at p. 238, 
that the progenitors of the Assyrians at an early period of the world 's 
history borroived Tauric and other religious symbolisms from the 
ancestors of the Medes, we claim that the Assyrians borrowed not 
only religious symbolisms, but that they borrowed even the very 
name of their god Assur from the Medes. For we look upon Assur 
as a "loan word" adopted from the Aryan Asura. 

To the Medes or Manda, who were, as we have argued, in power 
in Northern Mesopotamia about 4000 B.C., we have attributed the 
origin of the astronomic Assyrian and Ahurian emblem. To them 
also belongs the first imagining of the astronomic Assyrian standard. 
To them, on the same grounds, we attribute the devising of the man- 
headed and winged monsters so well known as " Assyrian Bulls," and 
to them indeed we would leave the honour of having invented and 
not borrowed the idea of the magnificent Tauric capitals that 
crowned the columns of Persepolis and Susa. 

To all these conclusions we have been led by a consideration of 
the distinctively equinoctial character of the Median Calendar, taken 
in connection with the importance given in Median art to the con- 
stellation Taurus. 



The following has been received from Mr. Offord : — 

The evidence of the cuneiform inscriptions has decided beyond 
doubt that the months of the Babylonians extended, to in every case, 
thirty days, and were therefore not twenty-eight days, or four weeks, 
nor, as after the Persian period, were they of twenty-nine, or thirty 
days' duration alternately. 

The proofs of this, both direct and indirect, from cuneiform 
texts are ample. For instance, Sayce in " Babylonian Astronomy," 
cites Rawlinson ("Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia"), III, 
32, reverse, 37, "twelve months in the year 6 x 60 days in number." 
Again, Rawlinson, III, 60, says, "In the month Nisan from the first 
to the thirtieth day ; " and Rawlinson, V, 48, 49, gives a Babylonian 
calendar which apparently assigns thirty days to each month. 

243 



Junk i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARC1LEOLOGY. [1897, 

Also the Hemerologies in Rawlinson, IV, 32, give thirty days to 
the month Elul, and in the 1891 edition of Vol. IV, 33, also to 
Marchesvan, and it is particularly important to notice that on this 
occasion these two months are referred to as intercalary or duplicate 
months. 

A "portent tablet" states that "from the first to the thirtieth of 
January if an eclipse happens the altars are destroyed." 

The ideograph for month also indicates the truth, being the 
figure of the sun (which also denotes a day) with the sign for thirty 
inside it. 

Finally, the peculiar difficulty of the nineteenth day of a month 
being in one case a sabbath, in addition to the seventh, fourteenth, 
twenty-first, and twenty-eighth (see text in Sayce, "Hibbert Lectures," 
p. 73), is shown by Jensen to result from its being the forty-ninth 
day, namely, 7x7 days from the first day of the preceding month. 

An indirect proof that Babylonian months were thirty days long, 
is derived from the certainty that they were not lunar months, 
proved by the occurrence of lunar eclipses upon any day of the 
month ; so many texts illustrating this are known to scholars and 
have been quoted in reference to Babylonian astronomy that this 
need not be dwelt upon. 

Dr. Muss Arnolt mentions another fact, that of the variation in 
the day of the month upon which the vernal equinox took place, 
showing that whatever length the months were, the multiplication of 
them by twelve did not coincide with a solar year. 

Then as noted already we have direct evidence from the cuneiform 
tablets that the intercalary months,* of which the names of four are 
known, were also of thirty days (see Rawlinson, IV, 32 and ^^). 

Accepting then the thirty-day Babylonian months, leads us to 
the interesting conclusion that an extra month must have been 
added to the calendar every sixth year, because years consisting 
of 12 x 30-day months would every sixth year become a month 
too short. This will account for the existence of one of the 
intercalary months, probably the duplicate, or Ve Adar. It is also 
indirectly confirmed by the statement of Censorinus, " that every 
twelfth year was a Chaldean cycle," that being a double period of 
six years. 

* In reference to the periods of intercalation of supernumerary months, see 
E. Mahler, " Der Schaltcyclus der Babylonier," '/.cits, fur Assyriologie, Vol. IX, 
p. 42, etc. 

244 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

But three other duplicate month names are known, one of which 
may be accounted for by the astronomical error being really more in 
six years by about thirty-five hours than the addition of an extra 
thirty-day month would rectify. In about one hundred and twenty- 
four years this error reached thirty days or a month more, and may 
have been the period when a second Nisan was interpolated. It 
may here be noted in reference to the changing day of the month 
for the vernal equinox, that though it occurs on various days in 
Nisan, it has never yet been found shifted into another month, 
showing that when the error amounted to a month, either a duplicate 
Nisan or another intercalary month of another name was at once 
added to get the year into order again. 

As stated we know of two other intercalary months, a second 
Elul and second Marchesvan ; why and wherefore these were used, 
supposing the mention of them is at the era when only thirty-day 
months were in use, it is difficult to say. If they were to rectify 
another small astronomical difference, the periods between their 
utilisation must have been immense ; perhaps they sometimes took 
the name place of an Adar or Nisan, when they had to be put in for 
some occult reason. 

Epping and Strassmaier in their " Astronomisches aus Babylon," 
show that in later times there was a year of alternate months of 
twenty-nine or thirty days (which it is interesting to note is practic- 
ally a lunar year), and made the error annually six days worse; 
adding this to the previous five days' error, we get eleven days, 
or about one hundred and twenty days in eleven years. These 
authors show, and it is therefore most interesting, that during every 
eleven years the Arsacidae and Seleucidae inserted four additional 
months, being approximately this very one hundred and twenty days, 
to rectify their calendar. As shown however in regard to the 
Babylonian year, the annual error exceeded five days, so the four 
months every eleven years would not quite correct the calendar, and 
Epping and Strassmaier show undoubtedly, in connection with 
this fact we may presume, that besides the four months added 
during every eleven years an extra one was intercalated every one 
hundred and thirty-two years.* 



* It may be that when the equinox error amounted to a month the calendar 
for other reasons, needed rectification to the extent of a month and so the equinox 
error was remedied so to speak automatically irrespective of itself. 

245 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S97. 



ADDITIONAL NOTE BY THE HON. MISS PLUNKETT. 

The Babylonian years, which Epping and Strassmaier so closely 
studied, and which are so clearly described in their book, Astrojwmisches 
aus Babylon, were Soli-lunar. The months composing them were 
lunar,.^and contained sometimes thirty and sometimes twenty-nine 
days. 

The actual time that elapses between new-moon and new-moon, 
or between full-moon and full-moon, and therefore the mean time 
between "new-light and new-light" (the starting point and 
termination of Babylonian months), is twenty-nine days twelve hours 
forty-four minutes and three seconds. Every second month and 
sometimes oftener the fractions of a day in the above sum amounted 
to a thirtieth day. 

The Babylonian almanacs commented on by Epping and Strass- 
maier in the above named work, and also in many articles contributed 
to the Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie belong it is true to the last centuries 
of Babylonian history, that is, to what Mr. Offbrd describes as the 
" Persian period." These almanacs, however, show no signs of 
Persian influence. They are all issued "At the command of my 
Lord Bel and my Lady Beltis, an edict." The names of the months 
and all the technical terms employed are decidedly Babylonian. 
There are moreover very many indications, so many indeed as to 
amount to actual proof, that the method of reckoning which appears 
in these tablets was in use before the Persian period. 

It is on this basis that not only Epping and Strassmaier discuss 
earlier dated documents. Mahler, Oppert, and Lehman all adopt 
the same course. 

In the January number for this year of the Zeitschrift fir 
Assyriologie, C. E. Lehman translates a very interesting notice of an 
eclipse of the moon which took place on the 15th Sabalu in the time 
of Samassumkin of Babylon. Oppert in commenting on C. E. 
Lehman's paper cites other " pre-Persian " eclipses, the dates of 
which are noted according to a soli-lunar calendar apparently 
identical with that of the Epping and Strassmaier almanacs. 

In favour of the opinion that the Babylonian months were lunar, 
we may also point to the description of the months in what is called 
the Fifth Creation tablet, there we read : — 

246 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

"Nanna the moon was charged to illumine the night, and he 
caused it to be renewed, to hide the night and to prolong the day ; 
month by month without interruption fill thy disc. At the beginning 
of the month the night must prevail. The horns will be invisible, 
for the heaven renews itself " 

That Babylonian months were counted by the phases of the moon 
before the Persian period is very plain. But the evidence we as yet 
possess is perhaps not sufficient to prove that they were counted in 
the same manner in the very ancient time when the standard 
astrological works translated by Prof. Sayce, and alluded to by 
Mr. Offord, were first drawn up ; still the identity of the month 
names, and of many technical terms in the earlier and later astro- 
nomical works speak strongly in favour of such a supposition ; and 
the series of dated trade documents which have come down to us 
from various periods of Babylonian history show us that a well 
established calendar was long in existence in Babylon and other 
Mesopotamian cities. 

The ancient astrological tablets have not, except in a few 
instances, so far as we know, been re-translated since the year 1874, 
when Prof. Sayce contributed his paper on " The Astronomy and 
Astrology of the Babylonians," to the Transactions of this Society 
(Vol. III). Since that date many advances have been made in the 
identification of planet and constellation names, and also in the 
right understanding of many technical astronomical expressions. 
As the work at present stands, it is difficult for those who (like the 
writer of this paper) are entirely dependent on translations, to form 
any clear judgment on isolated passages occurring in its text. 

Epping in the first chapter of his Astronomisches aus Babylon, 
referring to Profs. Oppert's and Sayce's early astronomical papers, 
says : " Wer jedoch diese arbeiten durchliest der wird sich leicht 
uberzeugen, das die angaben der monumente nicht geniigen um ein 
sicheres System zu construiren." 

But if from the sources at our command we have not sufficient 
evidence to prove that the ancient Babylonian months were certainly 
lunar, neither can it be claimed that the works in question prove 
"beyond a doubt that the months of the Babylonians extended to in 
every case thirty days." 

Prof. Sayce at p. 160 claims for the Accadians a year of 
360 days ; but again, at p. 207, he states that the " months were 
lunar," and were divided into two lunations ; and the days on which 

247 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.LOLOf ,Y. [1S97. 

the quarters of the moon began, as well as the beginning of the 
second lunation, were called days of sulum or 'rest,' on which 
certain works were forbidden." 

Now a year counted by lunar months cannot also be described 
as consisting of 360 days. 

If the tablets appear to give evidence of two such contrary 
methods of counting the year, we must either treat their evidence 
as unreliable, or we must suppose that in some way the meaning of 
their evidence has been misunderstood, such for instance may have 
been the case as regards the following passage quoted by Mr. Offord, 
" twelve months in the year 6 x 60 days in number." 

In Prof. Sayce's Astronomy and Astrology of the Babylo?iians, 
p. 155, the sentence appears in a slightly different form, "twelve 
months to each year (6 x 60 = ) 360 days in order are recorded " 

The variation of these two renderings, though slight, presents 
some difficulty in discussing the passage. Twelve months, in " the " 
year referred to, would not contradict the assumption that in some 
other year there might be thirteen months ; " the " year is therefore 
not so much opposed to the theory of a soli-lunar year as are the 
words twelve months to " each " year. Leaving this point in 
uncertainty, it is curious to observe that the number of days in the 
succeeding phrase is given not as "12 x 30" but as "6 x 60." 
6 x 60 exactly describes the divisions of the Babylonian day,* and 
one is tempted to suppose that this expression may refer to the 
divisions of the day and not to the days of the year ; or again, the 
360 days mentioned may be not real but fictive days. The Hindus 
divide every lunar month into thirty days or " Tithis ; " they do so 
for purposes of astronomical calculation. The actual days of the 
month noted in their calendars is however always the true solar day. 
English astronomers also for purposes of astronomical calculation, 
make use of a "sidereal day," and count 366 such days to every 
365 solar days. 

The tablet in which the sentence we have been discussing 
occurs, contains many very bewildering statements, as for instance 
that in the immediately following lines : " During the middle of the 
day a deficiency of the sight of the non-existent star." It is difficult 
in reading these lines to believe that a full and certain comprehension 
of what the ancient astronomer here intended to express, has been 
arrived at. 

* P. 45, As/ rono/n itches aits Babylon (Epping). 
248 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Some notices of the " occurrence of lunar eclipses on any day of 
the month " appear among the translations in Prof. Sayce's paper, 
and as they stand are utterly opposed to the theory of lunar months. 
Of such is tablet W.A.I. Ill, 55, i, (p. 222) ; in it eclipses for each of 
the first fifteen days of the month Tamuz are suggested. So contrary 
however are these exceptional notices to the general drift of the great 
body of the astronomical texts, that, as in the case of the passage 
already discussed, it would seem well to wait for the light of further 
research to be thrown on them before accepting them as conclusive 
evidence of non-lunar months having held a place in the Babylonian 
calendar. 

Some other points put forward by Mr. Offord as hostile to the 
lunar theory may be more easily explained. 

The mention of thirty days in any month presents no difficulty. 
In all soli-lunar years six, at least, of the months must contain thirty 
days. It is not therefore to be wondered at that the ideograph for a 
month is "the figure of the sun with the sign for thirty inside it." 
Prof. Sayce tells us that in the astronomical tablets the moon is 
generally represented by the symbol XXX. This fact is in favour 
rather than in opposition to the theory that the Babylonian months 
were dependent on the phases of the moon. 



249 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 



NOTE SUR UN LINTEAU DE PORTE DECOUVERT 
EN ASSYRIE PAR GEORGE SMITH. 

By Alfred Boissier. 



Dans ses Assyrian Discoveries George Smith a signale un monu- 
ment tres curieux. Void comme il s'exprime a ce sujet (page 146) : 
" In the south-eastern court (du palais de Sancherib) I penetrated 
to the pavement, and in front of one of the entrances on the western 
side I discovered the lintel of a doorway ; it was formed of a block 
•of stone six feet long, and was sculptured along the face. In the 
centre was an ornamental cup or vase, with two handles ; on each 
side of the vase stood a winged griffin or dragon, looking towards 
the centre, having a long neck and an ornament or collar round it 
just behind the head. Over the cup and the dragon was an orna- 
ment of honeysuckles. This curious lintel is the first Assyrian 
object of the kind which has been discovered, and I saw it lifted 
out of the excavation with much pleasure." Si j'ai reproduit textu- 
ellement la note de Smith sur ce monument, c'est qu'en effet elle 
ne parait pas avoir ete assez remarquee ; j'ai ete aussi tres etonne en 
lisant Particle " Gryps," du dictionnaire de Roscher, de voir que 
M. Furtwangler n'a pas cru devoir mentionner ce curieux bas-relief. 
Peut-etre les deux animaux fantastiques qui Foment n'ont-ils rien a 
voir avec les griffons ; * mais il me semble qu'il faudrait encore s'en 
assurer, et c'est pourquoi je me permets de rappeler aux archeologues 
ce monument remarquable et trop dedaigne jusqu'a present. L'art 
babylonien et Fart assyrien ne nous avaient encore rien revele 
d'analogue, et il est tres probable que ce sont des artistes etrangers a 

M. Perrot parle de dragons ailes. Le linteau de porte decouvert par Smith 
est reproduit dans les " Assyrian Discoveries," page 309, et dans Perrot et 
C/iipiez, Hisloire de I'Aii, Tome II, page 248. Yoir aussi Meissner Rost : Die 
Bauinschriften Sanheribs, page 29. 

2^0 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

l'Assyrie qui ont execute le bas-relief en question. L'on sait que 
Sancherib et les grands rois qui l'avaient precede', de meme que ceux 
qui lui succederent employerent a la construction de leurs palais des 
prisonniers venus de l'occident. Si les deux animaux qui encadrent 
la coupe ou le vase sont bien des griffons, on leur trouvera une res- 
semblance assez marquee avec le griffon mycenien, au corps allonge, 
symbole de l'animal rapide et feroce. II faudrait examiner si dans 
les inscriptions cuneiformes il est jamais fait mention d'un etre qui 
se rapproche du griffon. Pour cela Ton cherchera tout naturelle- 
ment dans la "Grande Epopee Babylonienne de la Creation," oil 
sont mentionnes tous les animaux terribles que Tiamat souleve 
contre Marduk. Quoique plusieurs de ces noms d'animaux ne 
soient pas expliques, que nous ignorons absolument quels etres sont 
designes par les lahmu, les ttmgallu, les sidimmu, etc., il ne me 
semble guere probable qu'il soit question du griffon dans ces textes 
et dans l'inscription historique d'Agum. Berose ne fait aucune 
allusion au griffon. Dans les monuments archai'ques de la basse 
Chaldee il ne se rencontre pas. II parait pour la premiere fois dans 
les monuments qui datent environ du (f siecle, a. j.c, d'apres 
Furtwangler et Puchstein. II est impossible de dire a quel peuple 
les Assyriens ont emprunte ce symbole, originaire peut-etre du nord 
de la Syrie. Dans la serie des monuments de la Chaldee et de 
lAssyrie le bas-relief du linteau de porte decouvert par Smith occupe 
une place a. part ; il meriterait d'etre etudie de plus pres par les 
archeologues ; il nous diront peut-etre quelle etait la nationality de 
ceux qui l'executerent.* 

* Nous mentionnerons encore un tres beau specimen de la glyptique orientale 
qui represente un griffon a corps de cheval. [Menant, catalogue de la collection- 
de Clercq, Vol. II, PI. IV, No. 90.) On trouvera egalement un monument 
fort interessant reproduit dans le grand ouvrage des Antiquites de la Russie 
Meridionale publie par Kondakof, Tolstoi et Salomon Reinach, page 272, 
figure 243. M. Helbig dit que le griffon etait un objet de predilection de l'art 
phenicien. (Epopee Homerique, traduction francaise de Trawinski, page 498.) 



\The illustration of this interesting monument will be issued with 
the next part of the Proceedings. — W.H.R.] 



251 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARC1LEOLOGY. [1897. 



THE ROLLIN PAPYRI AND THEIR BAKING 
CALCULATIONS. 

[ Conclusion. ] 

By Prof. Dr. August Eisenlohr. 

(Sent in 1 November, 1895.) 

Plate XIV. 1 

1885 = 2o6<?. 

This plate, although much later than the latest date of PI. XIII, 
and later also than the final date of PI. XX of the next section 
(27 Payni), was notwithstanding written on the same sheet as 
PI. XIII, filling up the first column, whilst PI. XIII filled the second. 

Translation. 

1 . Year 2 Mesori day 23 of the king Ramenmat, Life, Welfare, 

Health ! 

2. son of Ra, Seti mer en ptah, L. 1V.H., living for ever to 

eternity, like his father Ra every day 

3. this day one was in Afemphis in the house of Ra-nefer'-cheper-ka 

4. Register. Received corn (t>oti) from the granary of the Pharaoh 

/.. W.H., in Memphis 

5. to make flour in aku bread in the bakehouse, put under the 

superifitendence 
(■>. of the chief Neferhoiepu of Memphis ; providing the store house 
of the Pharaoh, L. IV. II. 

This document is dated from Memphis in the same locality as 
PL XII, 1 ; II, 3, the Pa Ra-nefer'--cheper-ka, of which nearly 
unknown king perhaps of sole Lower Egypt we spoke above. I 

1 Spiegelberg, Tafel V. 

-' According to Sjiicgclherg's emendation, Ra-aa-cheper-ka. 

252 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

think to be right in translating v\ Tk [f\\ , 1. 4, from the 
granary, because the corn is given to the bakers out from it. We 
have to read with the original I boti and not nut' (Pleyte). 

I \\ o o o 

L. 5, instead of the common word \ O V\ , nut' (PI. V-IX), 

the word I <^b*, which follows generally the first term, stands 
here alone. Doubtless this is the Coptic C1K.G or CIKI, molere 
(Peyron, Lex. Copt.) in hieroglyphs written I ^"ps , vide Brugsch, 

Worth. Cont, p. 1140. We met the word [~[] v\ (1(1 before, 

PL XIII, 1. 2. It must be bakehouse, because the bread is there 
prepared. This bake-house is put, as we heard already at the 

loc. cit., under the superintendence of a chief ( <=^ J called 

Neferhotep. The aim of this baking was to provide (sunt 1 ) the 

store house <vl v\ cr^> ut'a (see the corrections), of the Pharaoh. 



7. Mesori day 23, cornflour tep sacks 100. 

8. Mesori day 28, com flour tep sacks 250. 1 

9. Mesori day 28, corn flour tep sacks 280. 2 

10. Mesori day 28, cornflour tep sacks 2 So. 2 

1 1. Mesori day 28, com flour tep sacks 290. i 

12. Mesori day 28, cornflour tep sacks 280.- 

13. Mesori day 28, com flour tep sacks 260. 

14. Mesori day 28, cornflour tep sacks 280. 4 

15. Mesori day 28, corn flour tep sacks 260. 

20 ^Soo. h 

With the original were the numbers in 11. 12 and 14 corrected 
from 260 to 280. From 1. 7 we learn that 5 I ^fo?> which was 
often supposed to be wheat or corn (Roggen), is a general expression 
for every kind of corn, as here the boti (spelt). The sum 1500 
seems imperfect, as the number of tep sacks added gives more than 
2000. 

1 Spiegelberg, 150. 2 Spiegelberg, 180. 

3 Spiegelberg, 190. 4 Spiegelberg, x+ 180. 

3 Spiegelberg, 1600^. On the heliotype, Tafel V, the number is cut away. 

2 53 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S97. 

Section III. (Plate XVII-XX) 1889= 205. j 

As the little sketch on p. 93 demonstrates, PL XVIII standing 
above PL XVII precedes that plate. We see that also from the 
dates, PL XVIII dating from Athyr 21 till Choiak 7, whilst PL 
XVII is dated from the 7th Choiak of the 2nd year of Seti I, and 
PI. XIX beginning with the same 7th Choiak till to Phamenoth 7, 
and PL XX in continuation from Phamenoth 17 to Payni 27. 
PL XVIII, contemporary with PL X of the second section, contains 
the distribution of flour to the bakers on fifteen consecutive days 
(^ month), the amount in mill sacks (for every day 7^ sacks) is 
transferred into boti, spelt, or maize in the probably smaller 
measure of ®C3 tep sacks, which we have already found in the 
two former sections. As the relation between the mill sacks of 
flour and the tep sacks of boti is throughout as 7^: 18, each mill 
sack of flour must have contained z\ tep sacks of maize. 

Translation of Plate XVIII, 1889. 

1. Athyr, day 21, given to the bakers flour sacks i\, makes in boti 

tep sacks i8f. 

2. Athyr, day 22, given to the bakers flour sacks 7-5, makes in boti 

tep sacks i8f. 

3. Athyr, day 23, „ 7^, makes in boti 

tep sacks i8f. 

4. Athyr, day 24, „ 7^, makes ill boti 

tep sacks i8|. 

5. Athyr, day 25, ,, 7^, makes i?i boti 

tep sacks i8f. 

6. Athyr, day 26, „ 7^, makes in boti 

tep sacks 184. 

7. Athyr, day 27, ,, 7^, makes in boti 

tep sacks i8f. 

8. Athyr, day 28, „ 7^, makes in boti 

tep sacks i8|. 

9. Athyr, day 29, ,, 7-i, makes in boti 



tep sacks 18^ 



1 Spiegelberg, Tafel IV. 
254 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

10. Athyr, day last, given to the bakers flour sacks 7^, makes in boti 

tep sacks \h\. 

11. Choiak, day 1, ,, 7^, makes in boti 

tep sacks i8#. 

1 2. C/ioiak, day 2, „ 7^, makes in boti 

tep sacks i8|. 

13. Choiak, day 3, „ 7A, makes in boti 

tep sacks j8|. 

14. Choiak, day 4, „ "jj, makes in boti 

tep sacks i8f. 

15. Choiak, day 6, „ i\, makes in boti 

tep sacks 1 8f . 

The sum of the mill sacks of flour would be 15 x 7^= 1 125 
and the sum of the tep sacks of corn 15 x i8|= 281^. See the 
corrections, where you find also the term mill sacks (1. 1) before the 
number 7^. 

Now would foHow the continuation of this register, PI. XIX 
and XX, but the scribe has inserted before a special account over 
85 big loaves (akeku). 



Plate XVII. Translation. 

1. Year 2, Choiak day 7 (of) the king Ramenmat, L. W.H. 

2. Son of Ra, Seti mer en ptah, L. W.H., living for ever to 

etertiiiy like his father Ra every day. 

3. This day one was travelling in the northern district. 

4. Account of the taxations of the verificators of the entrances 

which are under 

5. the royal scribe, Neb nefer, in the bakehouses, to make out of 

them dku bread. 

6. The bakehouse under (the superintendence) of the chief Nefer- 

hotepu of Memphis, 

7. verified loaves great 85 each akeku in the proportion 15 

per 1 sack 

8. makes in great akeku 85 makes in 1 day 

9. corn tep sacks 5f, makes hi 10 days sacks 1^, 5|. 

255 x 



fUNE i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1897. 

The object of this plate appears to be the establishment of the 
proportion between sacks of corn (probably boti) and loaves of akeku 
bread, which we met before, PL XII. It is said that the (daily) 
production of akeku is 85 akeku, and that these akeku are in the 
proportion of 15 to one sack. What we translated with proportion 
is the word \\ pe/su, which is very well known, not only from the 
Medinet Abu accounts, but from the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus 
(vide Eisenlohr, Mathem. Handbuch, p. 259, the problems there 
cited). The pe/su indicates how many pieces (here akeku loaves) 
are made of one measure (here sack of corn). So we must give here 
another meaning of the word j J, as PL XII, where we rendered 
it by baking, or oven, indicating there the loss of weight by baking 
the bread in the oven. When 15 bread are made of one sack of 
corn, the 85 loaves of daily product want 5f of such sacks, because 
85 is 5f x 15 that will tell 1. 9. But we do not understand how 
that daily product of 5f sacks can make in ten days only i\ sack. 
We would await 56^ sacks. The proportion of ih to 5| is really 
like 1 : 3, 77, and we would rather believe that it is not a calculation 
for ten days, but a transposition of corn sacks in another measure, 
of which an example is found in PL XVIII, but there the relation 
of measures is 1 : 2\ and not 1:3, 77. 

Of the verbal explanation of this plate, in 1. 3 the word 

I _n if* \ J\, "travelling," which has been already alluded to on 

XIII, 1, L 4, the original does not read hannu, as supposed by 

Pleyte, but v Q 1 ^ ^ eter ^\ which word is known from the 

problems No. 82-84 of the Mathematical Rhind Papyrus. It must 
have here, as there, the general sense of establishing, determining 
by some officials, and not the special sense of taxation, or imposing 
taxes. This duty was fulfilled by a certain kind of officials, whose 
name is not to be recognised in Pleyte's edition ; they were the 

j I I (1 V> M! *a/v/w\ J} v\ v\ hesuai? en man, which new 

1 Spiegelberg, Tafel IVa, transcribes ^ | 1 (1(1 © itf J^ ^S\ 

nan nehcsiiC en maid, and translates Text, p, 14 (Tribut) der Neger von Mawet ; 



equally 1. 7 I \\ jjr \& > Neger, persons 85. As negroes arc mentioned 



in the Rollin Papyri (Spiegelberg, Tafel X, 209, Col. 2, 4, verso), I think he 

may be right. 

256 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

word we understand as the verifiers, though the determinative of 
mau speaks more for a coherence with _w' mat, "shore-land" 

(Edfu Donation, I, 4) than with ^^ mat, "verity." These 

verifiers were under the care of the royal scribe Nebnefer. On 



mV\ l\l\ 1 , "the bakehouses," see supra to PL XIV. These 

bakehouses stood under another chief Neferhotepu of Memphis, 
whom we met XIV, 6. It is dubious how we ought to read the first 



word of 1. 7 ; probably it is I hesfu, the action of the above hesu, 

verified, and not astu, " look." The *^V 11. 7 and 8, are the great 
loaves, the akeku, 1. 9, ® O, tep sacks, and not, as Pleyte's supposes, 

15, but 5§ in red we must read before the repeated 5§, Q | / 

sacks 1^). 



Plates XIX-XX. 

After the protocol of PI. XVII, dated from the 71'. Choiak of 
the second year, the journal of deliveries to the bakers, contained 
in PI. XVIII, is here continued, and begins with the same date 
as the protocol of PI. XVII, and a day later than the last entry of 
PI. XVIII. We said above that according to time the entries of 
PL XVIII coincide with the entries of PL X, the third of the second 
section of the Papyrus ; but we must not forget that the register 
in PL XII, XIII, X treats of the reception of bread into the maga- 
zine of the court, whilst the entries of PL XVIII, XIX and XX, 
deal with the dispensing of flour and corn (boti) to the bakers. As 
PL XVIII is beginning with a much later date than PL XII, XIII 
and X, we must acknowledge that a good part of the journal 
foregoing PL XVIII ff has been lost. Whilst PL XVIII contains 
the dispensing of flour to the bakers, the amount of which is only 
translated in the much smaller (1:2^) sacks of corn, PL XIX and 
XX give us the entries only of the receipt of corn (boti), if we 

correctly understand the term _ r- n ^> P1 - XIX > x > wnic h we 
translate with Loret (Rec, XI, 131) enlever, tirer, i.e., "to draw, 



1 Spiegelberg, v& sa, "persons. 
257 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 



receive." This corn is drawn from C\ , a magazine [\/~\/| , at 
Memphis, the designation of which I do not quite understand ; 
perhaps we may read the signs j^zV so that it would be a house 
of beating, i.e., threshing-floor. 

Translation. 

I. Year 2 Choiak 7. The day of taking the corn (boti) from the 
threshing-floor at Memphis for making . . . 



[The end of the phrase, probably ■=== j hotep', "bread," or 

itkuu, has been cut by the binder, who pasted the sheet on card- 
board.] 

2. This day, corn, tep sacks 2\ 54§ 

3. Choiak, day 14, corn, tep sacks 2^ 54§ 

4. Choiak, day 24, corn, tep sacks 2\ 54! 

5. Tybi, day 4, com, tep sacks 2\ 54§ 

6. Tybi, day 14, corn, tep sacks 2\ 54! 

7. Tybi, day 24, corn, tep sacks f 16 \ 

8. Tybi, day 27, com, tep sacks 2\ 54! 

9. Mechir, day 7, corn, tep sacks 2\ 54^ 

10. Mechir, day 17, corn, tep sacks 2\ 54^ 

11. Mechir, day 27, corn, tep sacks 2^ 54^ 

12. Phamenoth day 7, com, tep sacks 2\ 54§. 

We have in this journal the entries of 1 1 days in the series from 
ten to ten, ten of which note the drawing of 2\ tep sacks of corn, 
only one of a f sack, after the correction according to the original. 
Under this corn we have to understand the boti (spelt or durra) of 
1. 1. Regarding the register of PI. XVIII, where the flour sacks 
are transferred into the smaller measure (tep sacks) of corn, we must 
also here presume these smaller sacks, which are not giving 720 

» , en Minn ± 1 

1 Spiegelbcrg reads (Tafel IV, 6) <^\ I A © as name of this 

r-^-i Jy^ aw ^ Ui 

magazine, but the hieralic sign is quite another than that for <■ > or \> which 
we found in PI. XIII, 3, in the name of Ilui. 

258 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

ten = 65 kilogr. of bread, but only 245 ten or 22 kilogr. of bread 
(vide p. 96). Now it will be without question that the following 
red ciphers 54§ (once i6|) [Pleyte's sign for § must be corrected 
after the original] are loaves of bread. If we divide 2^ x 245 = 612, 
5 ten by 54§, we get for each loaf n, 2 ten not much under the 
weight of an akeku (PI. XII) of 12^—13^. The next plate (XX) 
exhibits — of 2\ tep sacks of corn — only 50 loaves ;. that would 
augment the weight of each loaf to 1 2\ ten, still nearer to the normal 
weight. The somewhat indistinct traces of the product in 1. 7 we 
fix by the proportion z\ : if = 54! : 16^. 

Plate XX 

Joins, according to time, to PI. XIX with the same intervals of 
10 days for each entry, and differs only in the quantity of the 
product, as here are reckoned for 2^ tep sacks of flour not 54!, but 
only 50 (loaves of bread). 

Translation. 

1. Phamenoth, day 17, day of making bread by the chief of bakers 

sacks 2\ .... 50, 

To transfer -<s>- t =^= l □ " making bread " is not uncertain, but 
Pleyte's reading of the following was erroneous. There is no trace 
of [ \/~A/i , but the calf-head £2 of client with its complements and 
the small ball not uncommon with this word (see Brugsch, Dictionary, 
948) so we must read J^f^o 5 ^ chenti or chentu, "the bakers." 
It is the chief of the bakers, who takes charge of the corn to dis- 
pense it to his bakers for making bread. Perhaps it was here the 
charge of the bakers also to grind the corn, whilst they received 
also (PI. V, IX, XII) the flour already grqund. 

2. Phamenoth, day 27, corn, tep sacks 2\ .... 50. 
The original has 27 not 26 in the date. 

3. Pharmuthi, day 7, corn, tep sacks 2% . . . . 50. 

4. Pharmuthi, day 17, corn, tep sacks 2\ . . . . 50. 

5. Pharmuthi, day 27, corn, tep sacks 2\ .... 50. 

6. Pachons, day 7, corn, tep sacks 2\ .... 50. 

2 59 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1897. 

7. Pachons, day 17, corn, tep sacks 2\ .... 50. 

8. Pachons, day 27, corn, tep sacks z\ .... 50. 

9. Payni, day 7, <w«, /t/ ak&f 2^ .... 50. 

10. Payni, day 17, <w«, tep sacks 2\ .... 50, together 56 1170. 

11. Payni, day 27, <r^r«, /£/ saaky 2^ .... 50. 

12. Epiphi, corn, tep sacks 2^ .... 50. 

13. Epiphi, com, tep sacks 2\ . . . . 515 (?)• 

For the last number 51^ the cipher is not easily to be seen. 

The adding sum of 56 + 1 (?) does not quite agree with the sacks 
PI. XIX and XX, 10 x 2% = 25 + £ + 13 * z\ = 32^. Total 58^ 
Also the red sum of loaves 11 70 is too small. On PI. XIX, 
10 x 54I = 546! + i6£ + 13x50 = 650 are 1212ft, nearly 43 
more than is stated. 

All particulars are explained above. 

We had lastly to speak of a sheet of the same papyrus 1886 = 203. 
This is dated the 3rd year, the 19 Athyr of Ramenmat (Seti I), it is 

very defective, so we cite only the beginning. ,J^ P'HK ^ -*r* 

I V \ /www I 

111111111 ' 



AA ^ ' WAW V. iJ. 1 I <=} X /www h 1 tJil I J^^ 

(1(1 . In the account of providing for the 



o I 

poultry court of Seti I by the hand of the scribe Pai, also one called 
Hui is made mention of. It does not contain accounts of baking. 

ocz>: <&L Hlllllli 
1 Restored by Spiegelberg to ^ -^ ~ |_ _J . Spiegelberg gives 



ID /WWV\ 



this page on Tafel I of his work, the explanation Text, p. 33 f. 



260 



June i PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



A SHORT VOCABULARY OF THE WORDS, PERSONS 
AND LOCALITIES CONTAINED IN THE ABOVE 
TREATED PART OF THE ROLLIN PAPYRI. 

1 ^ ^^ hUtUi " ° ne '" XI1 ' 6 ' IO ' XIH ' X ; XVI ' 3 ; XVH ' 3 ; 

" for the king or king's household." 

IPf] Ikll^' " akind of wood '" r > 4; m ' 2 ' 3 ' 5 - 

ft I /" at, td, ha, XIV, 7; XVII, 9; XIX, 2; "corn in general, 
not a special kind." 

da pati, "Pharaoh," XIV, 4. 
n n 

■f\ 1 cr>^ 

autu, XIV, 4, "register." 



1 I I I 

© I dp, "head, account," V, 1 ; XII, 2 ; XVII, 4. 

©C3 tf^, or tep, "a sack, kind of measure for grain and flour," VI, 2, 
14, 15; VII; XII, 3, 7, 11; XIV, 7; XVII, 9; XIX, 2; 
XX, 2. 



>^ari, X, 11; XVIII, 10, for the usual A v\ arqit, 

" the last of the month." 
^ \ 1, d^tr, "aliment, bread," XIII, 2; XIV, 5; XVII, 5, 8. 



3) akeku, "loaf of bread" of ca. 13^ ten = ra. f kilog., 
XII, 3, 4, 7, n, 12. 
.A 2« or nau, produce V-IX, XII, translated "gives or brought" 
(rendement). 

ua neb, VIII, 2; XII, 3, passim, "everyone." 

iuia, rest V 5, A mwa^ #fo <?# /fo«, rest of work, V, 8 ; VI, 2-6 ; 
VII, 2; XII, 4, 9, 13. 



f ^//, "spelt or durra," XIV, 4; XVIII, 1 : XIX, 1. 

I \\ o o o 

261 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S97. 

I A P e f su 'i proportion, em pe/su' 15 pro sack XVII, 7, "oven" 
(furnace), XII, 3 ff., ~wn/va \\ T \, "loss of oven" i.e., in baking. 

VII, 19; VIII, 2; XII, 14 weight, in coming 



to =* 



from the oven. 
S \\ (A maka, "flame," p. 95. 

O ^\ nut', '-flour," V, 1, mostly with 1 ^bs sek, "ground 

flour," V, 5, 6, 10, if the last is not a measure; VI, 5, 6; VII, 
2 ff; XII, 1; XVIII, 1, 2. 

Ipl []%\^~~ »3^ ^ ^ hesdu en mat, XVII, 4; "the veri- 

ficators, or the inspectors of the plain." 1 

\\\^ , XVII, 7, hesiu, " controlled." 2 

rrj'%\ fill ^ halt, "bakehouse," XIII, 2 ; XIV, 5 ; XVII, 5, 6. 

-^V tt=^= hanu\ V, 1 ; XII, 2, "the works," especially "the 

A /W//NA I 1 I I I 

receipts." 



* "v\ ?^f haru, "road," with ft ' amenti, "the western 

road," XIII, i. 3 

e= ^ a ^/, "bread, loaves," XX, 1 j V, 18. 
000 

o o K 1 -^.^^ » t he tribute, tax," XVII, 4, "taxes, deter- 
mination." 

(](] ^ ^«/, " consumed," XIII, 8, 13. 

^ l\ V& chennu, £3 ^ j f] Hft , chenti, " the baker," VI, 1 ; 



XVIII, i, 2; XIX, 1. 



y££> CT1 chennu, "the harcem, the royal court," XII, 3-5, 

7-9, n-13. XIII, 3. 

1 Spiegelbcrg better j I [1(1 Y\ 2r „v^a ^^ ' Nchesiu (Negroes), 

von Mawet. 

■ Spiegelberg, Ncgcr, "negroes." 

' Spiegelbcrg, better ^^ ^\ ^ rut, "district." 

262 



June i] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

)&> . , /VWAA ^B^ A v> = 3 chent en aqu, " the storehouse, maga- 

«WM L J -" _J± III 

zine of bread." XII, 3 ff. 

^^- er chet, "under the superintendence," XIII, 2; XVII, 4. 
ci I 

[q] I m. /l^'°^ i " samakOa, "a kind of wood," II, 4, 3-5. 

1$ I ^, (J^W* sakadn of the A# „ CI], "the royal court, 

Jru- 1 ifj_ www O 

master of the feast of the royal court." 
Jr* -F _f A sutut, "to travel, VII, 3; XIII, r. 

suat', "to supply, provide (the magazine of the king)," 



1 Z 



4 



XIV, 6. 

— M— /xx (JU ^///, "rest, residue," Xl/;, 5. 

l^fc^ sek, "to grind, ground," Copt. CIK6, ?<w/<?n?, V, 3; XIV, 5; 

XIX, 1, different from the corn measure "r\ {cf. Pap. Math. 
Vocabulary, p. 269). 
□ %^J} sep, " to receive," XIII, 3 ff. 

V, 5 ; probably the same. 
'^^ ■ L==/] set, "take, receive," XIX, 1. 

(5 □ setu, " paste, dough," XII, 4, 8, 9. 

*X~ n <7 e nfi, A *^~ O g^ ^ ( ^«r. S "^ "^ j \=$), 
"to bake," XII, 2. 

At CE=3) ketasetta, kelesta, "smaller loaves of bread 
of 3 — 4 ten =271 to 362 grammes" V, 2, passim, X, 1. 

$ kerh, "till, to," better "finished, baken," V, 2 , passim, 

XII, 14. 

8T /a nefer, "good bread," X, 1. 
o o o 

I I ten, a weight of 90, 46, grammes, passim, XII, 14. 1 

1 Spiegelberg reads } | | tefew. 

263 Y 



June i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

)l(|~" J jl Cm talala, " oven, furnace," p. 95. 

Oes, "a loaf," XII, 9. 
tet, " hand," em tet-f, "through his hand," X, 2 ; XIII, 5, 13. 
(fc^-j t'a, " received," VIII, 2, passim. 

Localities. 

k[\ \ " the granary " (of the Pharaoh), XIV, 4. 

^ifoJfSUl Pa-ra-nefer-cheper-ka? XII, 1; XIV, 3, with 

" I Q ^ ^ g HH Pa Hathor II, 3.' 

I (T° ^1 n, 3. 

^ | ^\ -^> 5 ^ -A* uia en chetinu, " the magazine of 

fcia Hr ^ /VWW\ AAAAA^ 

the court," X, 1 ff. ; XIII, 2, 3, 4, 12. 

I V\ L7I] ^w^ /^/'rz ^« pir-aa, "the magazine of the 

Pharaoh," XIV, 6. 
"^^ T A © men-nefer, passim, Memphis, XII, 6, 10; XIV, 4, 6; 

XIX, I. 

Persons. 
Kins;. 

m C^g^ l f iP¥C IOX] 

■?• j n &*•/., xiv, 2; xvii, 1. 



L73 



1 With Spiegelberg we read I M { j J Ra-aa-cheper-ka Tutmes 

8 Doubtful, after Spiegelberg, Tafel XV. 

264 



June i] 



I 



oe 



PROCEEDINGS. 1897. 

Bakers. 
M£ T'afa, "1 

lv& CVwra, "Chara," ^V, 5; VI; VII-IX; XII. 

1 



d±±±^± 



f 



Netmuatnon, 
ffl Anchtu, VI, 5, passim. 
Ramesu, also m) , XIII, 3, 4. 

T *^ =9= a ^\ ^^ Neferhotepu, XIII, 2 ; XIV, 6 ; XVII, 6. 

/WWW ,g^ £> 

s ^^Wj$f ^fi*/, X, 1 ; XIII, 4, 12, 13. 
v_^ T " Nebnefer, royal scribe, XVII, 5. 

1, j M^ /to har pet, X, n. 

(3 Hft Thotmesu, I, 3 ; X, 8. 



(1(1 Zfo/, "scribe of T $ @ the drinking, fluid sacrifices,' 
XIII, 3, cup bearer. 

www ./-j*v^ £^ I c_L-L 

^5? 



(1 ' ' ^\ «=^' Vfo Amonemhat, IV, 13. 
\S5cV ¥\ Q 1 \& Harem heb, IV, 2. 




265 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS. 



In 8 Parts. Price 5s. each. The Fourth Part having- been issued, the Price is 
now Raised to £,$ for the 8 Parts. Parts cannot be sold separately. 

The Egyptian Book of the Dead. 

Complete Translation, Commentary, and Notes. 
By SIR P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Knt. {President); 

CONTAINING ALSO 

.3 Series of plates of the IXigncttcs of tfjc different (Efjapters. 

The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates from 

Balawai 

[Shalmaneser II, e.c. S59-825.] 



Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers. 

In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus the price for 
;ach part is now raised to £\ \os. ; to Members of the Society (the original 
arice) £1 is. 

Price 7s. 6d. Only a Limited Number of Copies will be Printed. 

THE PALESTINIAN SYRIAC VERSION OF THE HOLY 

SCRIPTURES. 

Four Recently Discovered Portions (together with verses from the 
Psalms and the Gospel of St. Luke). Edited, in Photographic Facsimile, 
from a Unique MS. in the British Museum, with a Transcription, Transla- 
tion, Introduction, Vocabulary, and Notes, by 

REV. G. MARGOLIOUTH, M.A., 

Assistant in the Department of Oriental Printed Books and MS S. in the British 
Museum ; formerly Tyrwhitt Hebrew Scholar. 



Subscribers' names to be Addressed to the Secretary, 



Society of Biblical Archaeology. 



COUNCIL, 1897. 



President. 
Sir P. le Page Renouf, Knt. 

Vice-Presidents, 

The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York. 

The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c, &c. 

The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney. 

The Right Hon. Lord Halskury. 

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c. 

Arthur Cates. 

F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c. 

Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., <ic. 

Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A. 

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 



Council. 



Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A. 

Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D. 

Thomas Christy, F.L.S. 

Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S. 

Charles Harrison, F.S.A. 

Gray Hill. 

Prof. T. Hayter Lewis, F.S.A. 

Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c. 



Rev. James Marshall, M.A. 

Claude G. Montefiore. 

Walter L. Nash, F.S.A. 

Prof. E. Naville. 

J. Pollard. 

Edward B. Tylor, LL. D. , F. R.S., 

&c. 
E. Towry Whyte, M.A., F.S.A. 



Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet. 
i 
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 

Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A. 
Honorary Librarian — WILLIAM SIMPSON, F.R.G.S. 



HARRISON AND SONS, PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY, ST. MARTINS LANE. 



VOL. XIX. Part 7. 



PROCEEDINGS 

OF 

THE SOCIETY 

OF 

BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. 

60S 

VOL. XIX. TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION. 
Seventh Meeting, November 2nd, 1897. 

CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

W. H. Rylands {Secretary). — Biographical Record of the late 

President, Sir P. Le Page Renouf ... 271-279 

Prof. A. H. Sayce. — Assyriological Notes, No. 3 280-292 

F. Ll. Griffith.— Scarabs belonging to Mr. John Ward. The 
Khyan Group of Kings. The Israel Stela. Additional Notes 

to "Egyptian Literature" 293-300 

Prof. A. H. Sayce.— Haematite Cylinder from Cappadocia 301 

F. Legge. —Coptic Spell {Proceedings, May) 302 

30*32 

PUBLISHED AT 

THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY, 

37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 

1897. 



[No. CXLVIIl] 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY, 

37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 



TRANSACTIONS. 



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... 10 6 




12 6 


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6 .. 


. 12 6 




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,, 2 


... 10 6 




12 6 


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2 ... IO 


6 . 


. 12 6 




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„ 3 


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v, „ 


I ... 12 


6 .. 


■ 15 


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To 












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.. 


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,, 




1879-80 




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,, 




1880-81 




4 


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5 





„ iv, 


,, 




1881-82 




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v, 


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1882-83 




4 


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5 





„ VI, 


,, 




1883-84 




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„ VII, 


,, 




18S4-S5 




5 


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,, VIII. 


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„ ix, 


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,, 




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„ XIV, 


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„ xv, 


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„ xvi, 


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A few complete sets of the Transactions and Proceedings still remain for 
sale, which may be obtained on application to the Secretary, W. H. Rylands, 
F.S.A., 37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 



NOTICE. 


It has been impossible to make ready in time for 
e present Part of the Proceedings : — 

The Portrait of the late President, Sir P. le Page 

Renouf. 

A list of his published Works. 

The Plates illustrating Prof. Sayce's Assyriological 

Notes. 

They will be issued in a future Part. 

W. H. RYLANDS. 



s 



Bq 



if .;, 



z b 



o 9 



PROCEEDINGS 



OF 



THE SOCIETY 



OF 



BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 



TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION, 1897. 



Seventh Meeting, 2nd November, 1897. 
WALTER MORRISON, M.P., President, 

IN THE CHAIR. 



-*£- 



The Chairman referred with deep regret to the 
severe loss the Society had suffered by the death of 
its distinguished President, Sir P. LE Page Renouf, 
whose wide acquirements, profound and varied know- 
ledge, and gentleness made it difficult for anyone to 
follow him. One of the earliest members, Sir Peter had 
been a constant contributor to the publications from 
their commencement, and had ever shown the greatest 
interest and exerted his best efforts for its welfare. 



[No. cxlviii.] 267 



Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S97. 

The Secretary announced that in accordance with the 
Bye Laws the Council had proceeded to the election of a 
President, and that the unanimous vote was in favour of 
Walter Morrison, Esq., ALP., one of the Vice-Presidents, who 
was accordingly elected. 

The President, having thanked the Society for the kind 
reception he had met with, expressed the hope that the 
Society would see fit to elect some well known scholar to 
occupy the distinguished position of President of the Society. 

The following Resolution was proposed, seconded, and 
carried unanimously, and the Secretary was requested to 
convey to Lady Renouf and her family this expression of the 
feelings of the Society : — 

" The Council and Members of the Society assembled beg to 
offer to Lady Renouf and her family their sincere sympathy, 
and at the same time wish to express the respect and honour 
they always entertained for their lamented President, Sir 
P. le Page Renouf. and their great sorrow on hearing the sad 
news of his death. They feel that their loss, in common 
with the world of science, cannot be over estimated ; but they 
will always remember how much the Society has been in- 
debted to him not only for his many gifts to them from his 
store of learning, his unfailing courtesy towards all who had 
the privilege of working with him, and for his continuous 
efforts on behalf of the Society to secure its welfare. Par- 
ticularly, they will remember his gift of that monumental 
work, the result of so many years of study, his translation of 
the ' Book of the Dead.' " 

The ordinary business of the Meeting was then proceeded 
with. 

The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author : —Prof. C. P. Tiele. The Elements of Religion. 
Part I, Morphological. Vol. I. Svo. London. 1897. 

From the Egyptian Exploration Fund :— AOTIA IHCOY, 

Sayings of Our Lord. Discovered and edited by Bernard P. 
Grenfell, M.A., and Arthur S. Hunt. Svo. London. 1897. 

268 



Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

From the Author :— Rev. P. A. C. de Cara, S.J. ; Gli Hethei- 
Pelasgi, in Italia. Introduction only. Four Parts. 8vo. 
1896 and 1897. 

From the Publishers : — Messrs. Houlston and Sons. The Place 
of the Crucifixion ; the Walls of Jerusalem, with Plans. 8vo. 
1897. London. 

From the Author : — Michel M. Alouf. Histoire de Baalbek, par 
un de ses Habitants. Svo. Beyrouth. 1896. 

From the Author : — I Cataloghi E. l'lstituto Internazionale di 
Bibliograna Osservazioni di D. Chilovi. 4to, Firenze. 1897. 

From the Author : — Dr. A. Wiedemann. Notice of Books : 

G. Maspero. Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient 
classique. 

Agyptische Urkunden aus den Koniglichen Museen zu Berlin. 
Herausgegeben von der Generalvervvaltung. Koptiscbe 
und arabische Urkunden. Erstes Band. Erstes Heft. 
Berlin. 1S95. 

From the Author : — Eberhard Nestle. Zur Umschreibung des 
Hebraischen. Svo. 1S97. 

From the Author. — J. J. Griuyer. Bible Chronology, from the 
Exodus of the Children of Israel until the fourth year of 
Solomon. Svo. 1897. 

From the Author : Rev. Pere Lagrange. La Mosaique Geo- 
graphique de Madaba. Svo. Paris. 1897. 
(Extract, Revue Biblique.) 

From the Author : — Rev. Pere Lngrange. Notre Exploration de 
Petra. Svo. 1S97. 

Monsieur le Marquis de Vogue. Inscription Nabateenne de 
Petra. Svo. Paris. 1S97. 
(Extract, Revue Biblique.) 

From the Author : — Robert Brown, Jun., F.S.A. The Origin of 
the Ancient Northern Constellation Figures. Svo. 
{Journ. R.A.S., April, 1S97). 

From the Author :— Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S. On the 

Transition from the use of Copper to that of Bronse. 8vo. 
{Journ. Anthrop. Inst., May, 1897.) 

269 z 2 



\ ... 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCII.hOLOGY. [1S97. 

From the Author: — Prof. Dr. A. Wiedemann. Die neusten 
Entdeckungen in Agypten und die alteste Geschichte des 
Landes. 

{Die Umschau y Nos. 32 und 33, 1st Jahrg.) 

From the Author : — Prof. E. Amelineau. Les Nouvelles Fouilles 
d'Abydos. 8vo. Angers. 1S96. 

From the Author : — Prof. E. Amelineau. Les Nouvelles Fouilles 
d'Abydos, 1896-1S97. 8vo. Paris. 1897. 

From the Author: — Prof. Sachau. Glossen zu den historischen 
Inschriften Assyrischer Konige. 8vo. 1897. 

Prom Rev. R. Gwynne : — (Sec. for For. Corn). Kalender fur 
den Orientalisten-Congress, 1897-98. Den Mitgliedern des 
XI Internationalen Orientalisten-Congresses sowie Gonnern 
und Freunden gewidmet von der Officin W. Drugulin in 
Leipzig. 



The following Candidates were nominated for election 
at the next Meeting on December 7th : — 

Dr. Ph. Friedrich Wilhelm Freiher von Bissing, in den Zelten 

21, Berlin. 
Major-General Francis Eddowes Hastings, 29, Lansdowne Road, 

Bedford. 
Tertius Joynson, Beaumaris. 
Dr. Paul Ruben, 2, Warrington Crescent. W. 



The Secretary read a Biographical Record of the late 
President, Sir P. le Page Renouf. 

The thanks of the Society were returned to the Secretary 
for having prepared this record. 



Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD OF THE LATE 
Sir Peter le PAGE RENOUF. 

By the Secretary. 

Sir Peter le Page Renouf was the son of the late Joseph Renouf 
of Guernsey, by his wife Alary, the daughter of the late John le 
Page of the same place ; the name Renouf, of Scandinavian origin, 
is stated to be composed of J?t' or Ren (gods) and ?/^"(wolf), meaning 
"wolf of the gods." The early ancestors went to Normandy, where 
a certain Renouf, Comte de Bayeux, having fought against William 
the Conqueror, was banished to Guernsey, long holding there the 
"fief le Comte." 

The descent of Sir Peter Renouf's mother is traced back to a 
certain knight who, having been a page or esquire of Duguesclin, 
the Constable of France (died 1380), assumed the name of 
Le Page. 

Thus descended from one of the oldest families in the island, 
he was born in Guernsey, the 23rd of August, 1822. He received 
his early education in Elizabeth College, and was intended for the 
Church. Having won a scholarship at Pembroke College, he left 
Guernsey and went to Oxford, where in the early days of high 
Tractarian theology, he became the friend of the Rev. John Henry, 
afterwards Cardinal, Newman ; whose friendship and high appreciation 
of the scholarship and talents of Mr. Renouf only ended with his 
life. 

Mr. Renouf, I have understood, was the author of some of the 
celebrated Tracts for the Times,* and after the condemnation of 

* Renouf's first writings were theological and anonymous, the earliest 
being published in 1841. Shortly after the appearance of Tract XC he published 
a pamphlet containing a series of evidences from old Anglican authorities, upon a 
number of points of faith and practice, then in question. This was at first 
attributed to Newman, but a popular preacher at Carfax (the Rev. Simcox 
Brecknell) published an elaborate essay proving to his own satisfaction that the 
real author was Isaac Williams, then candidate for the Professorship of Poetry ! 

271 



Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S97. 

the movement by the heads of the University in 1841, it is perhaps 
not surprising, with the scrupulous ideas of rectitude which guided 
him through life, that Renouf, in advance of his friend, and 
becoming conscious of his true theological position, gave up his 
career at Oxford, and at Easter, 1842, was received into the Roman 
Catholic Church at St. Mary's College, Oscott. Here it was that, 
at the age of nineteen, he commenced the study of Oriental lan- 
guages together with theology and philosophy, a study which he 
unremittingly pursued, and which became the guiding passion of 
his life. 

In 1846, his health requiring a change of climate, he under- 
took the tuition of the present Marquis de Vaulchier, enjoying at 
the same time, for his own favourite studies, the use of the fine 
public library at Besaneon, then under the care of the learned 
Dr. Weiss, as well as of the Archiepiscopal library and that of the 
Theological Seminary. During this lengthened visit abroad, lasting 
from 1846 to 1855, which included not only France but Switzerland 
and other countries, Renouf became acquainted with many of the 
most distinguished scholars of the time, the acquaintance often 
resulting in a life -long friendship. This friendship included, besides 
that of the de Vaulchier family, that of Montalambert and M. de 
Cirecourt, who wished to secure Renouf for the diplomatic service. 
Throwing aside these chances of a distinguished career, on the 
foundation, in 1855, by Cardinal Newman, at Dublin, of the 
Catholic University of Ireland, he complied with the request of 
his old friend to take part in the new institution. His first work 
was a series of historical lectures on French literature and the 
History of Philosophy, but after a short time Renouf was appointed 
to the Chair of Ancient History, to which was afterwards added 
the Professorship of Eastern Languages. 

His first printed contributions to knowledge, which attracted 
great attention, appeared in the Atlantis, the literary and scientific 
organ of the university. When Dr. Newman retired from the 
editorship of this journal, Renouf undertook the literary part, the 
late Dr. W. K. Sullivan, Professor of Chemistry, who afterwards 
became President of the Queen's College at Cork, continuing the 
scientific part. The most important non-Egyptological article written 
by Renouf is entitled, " A few words on the Arabic Version of the 
Gospels," a refutation of the theory put forth by Dr. Juynbull of 
Holland, and repeated by several scholars in England, that the 

272 






Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Arabic version is made not from the Greek but from the Latin 
Vulgate. At the same time Renouf was taking part in the pub- 
lication of the Home and Foreign Review^ for which he wrote several 
articles, and all the notices of oriental works. In the years 1846 
and 1847 he contributed articles to the Dublin Revieiv. 

The position of Professor was held from 1855 to 1864, during 
which time he had private classes, in which the members of the 
university might study Hebrew, Arabic, and Sanskrit. Though the 
labours of the position were comparatively light, it urged Renouf 
forward, in order more thoroughly to equip himself for the posi- 
tion he had undertaken, to a further and more extended exami- 
nation of the materials existing for a study of ancient history from 
the documents themselves. 

He found it necessary personally to examine the exact sense of 
the Egyptian inscriptions bearing upon history. Observing how 
few men of learning there were at that time who devoted themselves 
to the study of the language and literature of ancient Egypt, 
Renouf, who was admirably fitted for the work from his extensive 
knowledge of many languages, determined to make himself fully 
acquainted with all that could tend towards elucidating the history 
and language of that country. Familiar with the works of all the 
pioneers in the study of hieroglyphics, he devoted himself with his 
usual zeal and persistence to the careful examination of all that 
had been published on the subject, and his efforts were so suc- 
cessful that he soon took a position as one of the first and at the 
same time one of the most conscientious and reliable Egyptologists 
of the time ; a position which he never lost, but increased year by 
year, as by unremitting labour he made himself more and more 
acquainted with the genius of the language. 

In 1857, through his marriage with Ludowika, the eldest child 
of Christian Brentano la Roche, of Frankfort, Renouf formed an 
alliance and became intimately connected with a family unrivalled 
in Germany for the literary genius of so many of its members. 
He was by his marriage the nephew of Bettina v. Arnim, and 
Savigny, the celebrated jurist and Privy Minister of State. 

At this time the works available giving a series of hieroglyphic 
texts were limited in number, and there were few if any monuments 
at Dublin. Having obtained the facsimile of the Turin papyrus, 
published by Lepsius, an idea Renouf had formed at an earlier 
period took more definite shape, and he decided to undertake the 

273 



Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1897. 

collation of texts, in order to obtain materials for a complete and 
consecutive translation of the Book of the Dead. 

In 1863 appeared, though the essay had then been some time 
in type, Renouf's masterly article entitled, " Sir G. C. Lewis 
on the Decipherment and Interpretation of Dead Languages," 
in which he most exhaustively answered the attack made on 
Champollion and other decipherers of ancient inscriptions.* 

In 1S64 he left the Catholic University, retaining the honorary 
title of Professor of Oriental Languages, and was appointed one 
of Her Majesty's Chief Inspectors of Schools, a position held by 
him for nearly twenty years, in which he earned the confidence, 
admiration, and respect of all those with whom he became 
associated. Although this work was both exacting and onerous, 
much time being spent in travelling over the large district under 
his inspection, Renouf never lost sight of his favourite study ; 
every spare moment was devoted to Egyptology, but more 
especially to collating and annotating the various texts of the 
Book of the Dead. 

In 1S64 he published a letter addressed to Dr. Newman, "by 
a Catholic Layman," advocating the foundation at Oxford of a 
College for Catholics. At this time also he found time to 
contribute a number of articles and short notices to the Academy 
The North British Review, and the Chronicle. 

"The Condemnation of Pope Honorius," an essay which 
he published in 186S, excited the fury of some ultramontane 
journals, and on being denounced at Rome, was placed on the 
Index. The ecclesiastical censure was treated with respectful 
silence, but the criticisms of opponents was replied to in a second 
essay published in 1869, "The case of Pope Honorius Recon- 
sidered." It is necessary to say that in attacking the " Personal 
Infallibility " of the Pope, in the sense in which that doctrine was 
taught by the Dublin Review of that period, no contradiction was 
offered to the Vatican Decree, which had not yet appeared, and 
is now generally understood in another sense. 

At this time Renouf was appointed Assistant to the Royal 
Commission on Education in Ireland, and reported on the schools in 
four of the southern counties. 

In 1875 nc P a id a lengthened visit to Egypt, accompanied by 

• Atlantis, Vol. IV, 1863. 
274 



Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Mrs. Renouf, where he met Mariette and Diimichen, and made 
a careful examination of many of the monuments. With the original 
inscriptions before him, many words and characters uncertain in the 
published copies were examined and new groups identified. The 
study of Hieroglyphics had become a passion, and he had realized 
the absorbing interest which Egyptological study inspires in all who 
indulge in it. Such was the influence the ancient monuments had 
upon him, that he would often stand almost in a trance centreing 
his whole mind on some word or little group of characters, oblivious 
to all else but securing a rational interpretation. 

In the year 1879 he was chosen by the Hibbert Trustees 
to deliver the second series of lectures on Ancient Religions ; 
he naturally took for his subject the Religion of Ancient Egypt. 
These lectures were printed in the year 1880, passing through 
several editions, and afterwards translated into several European 
languages. Like everything else that he undertook, though dealing 
with a most complicated and difficult subject, they are marked 
as being the work of a true and conscientious scholar. 

At the time of the death of our lamented President, Dr. Birch, 
which occurred on the 27th of December, 1885, Renouf still 
held his position as one of H.M. Inspectors of Schools. Though 
then about the age ordinarily allowed by the Civil Service Minutes, 
he was selected to succeed Dr. Birch as Keeper of the Egyptian 
and Assyrian Antiquities in the British Museum, his reputation and 
learning being so universally acknowledged, that it was felt he was 
the only person in this country sufficiently learned to fill the post. 
In March, 1886, then in his 65th year, Renouf was transferred from 
the Education Department, and entered on his duties in the 
Museum, having, from love of his favourite studies, surrendered, 
at pecuniary loss to himself, his position as one of the Inspectors 
of Schools. At the end of the year 1891, not having completed 
his seventieth year, he was requested to retire under the ordinary 
Treasury Minutes as to age, having filled the office of Keeper for 
less than five years. 

While performing the duties of Keeper, in the year 1890 the 
Trustees of the British Museum issued, under his editorship, " The 
Coffin of Amamu," a posthumous work of Dr. Birch, and also a 
full-sized facsimile of the celebrated and beautiful " Papyrus of Ani," 
principally remarkable for the size and beauty of the coloured 
vignettes, of which there are a great number. To this work 

275 



Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1S97. 

Renouf added descriptions of the pictures, a help to knowledge 
here first attempted, as well as an elaborate introduction. 

It is perhaps difficult to understand how it was that the scholar- 
ship displayed by Renouf so long escaped formal recognition. It 
came at last, however, when in the year 1S96 Her Majesty the 
Queen, during the present Government, was graciously pleased to 
confer on him the distinction of Knight Bachelor, an honour well 
and hardly earned, but which, alas ! he has not long lived to enjoy. 

In the following year, while spending his holiday in his native 
place, Guernsey, he over-taxed his strength; returning to London, 
he was almost continually confined to the house until this summer, 
when he spent some weeks by the sea. He again returned to 
London, the change having been of but little benefit. He died on 
the 14th of October last, at his residence in Roland Gardens, and 
was buried on Friday the 22nd following, in the crypt of St. Joseph's 
Church, Guernsey. 

The above is a scant record of the more important events in the 
life-history of Sir Peter Renouf. Though in many ways remarkable, 
it is really the uneventful career of a scholar, the life of one careless 
of personal advantage, whose every thought was given to the advance- 
ment of knowledge. 

I have purposely omitted all mention of his connexion with our 
Society, in order to place those incidents by themselves. Renouf 
joined the Society at its commencement, and his name will be found 
in the earliest list of members, published in 1872, he being then a 
member of the Council. On the 3rd of June, 1S73, he read his 
first paper, entitled u Note on Egyptian Prepositions," which was 
printed in the second volume of the Transactions. From that date 
he was a regular contributor to our publications down to the time of 
his death. When, in the very early years of the Society, the Archaic 
Classes, as they were called, were commenced, Mr. Renouf, together 
with Dr. birch and M. Naville, gave several series of lectures on 
the language and literature of Egypt. At that time these classes 
offered the only opportunity in this country for acquiring a know- 
ledge of the subject, and to them must be accorded the credit 
of fostering and keeping alive the study of the Egyptian language. 
These lectures resulted in the publication in 1875 of an Elementary 
Grammar of the Ancient Egyptian Language, printed with the 
hieroglyphic character, by Mr. Renouf. It was, I believe, the first 
separate work of the kind printed in the English language. The 

276 



Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

lectures were continued for some years, and again so late as 1894 
Renouf continued the series through many months. They were so 
successful and so widely appreciated that another series was contem- 
plated, but ill-health prevented the performance of his wishes. 

When we met on the 12th of January, 1886, the late Sir Charles 
Newton occupied the chair. In referring to the recent loss the 
Society had suffered by the death of its first President, Dr. Birch, 
he said, " he hoped a worthy successor might be found who, with 
the memory of Dr. Birch's noble example, would carry forward the 
work upon which the Society had entered under his guidance since 
its foundation." 

On January the nth, 1SS7, Renouf was elected President. 
How worthily he adhered to the traditions of the Society, and 
with what kindly consideration and geniality he presided over our 
meetings is known to those who attended them, as also how 
modestly he displayed his varied learning in commenting on the 
many different subjects submitted to the Society. Never absent 
from his post until illness overtook him, it was much to his sorrow 
that the doctors forbade him to take his accustomed place among 
us. Few beyond the members of the Council are perhaps aware of 
the great amount of time, patience, care and trouble Sir Peter 
willingly gave to the Society, and how he endeared himself to all. 
Like his predecessor in the chair, his heart was truly in the 
work. 

The many valuable papers and notes contributed to our 
publications by Sir Peter Renouf during a period of twenty-four 
years, were one and all eclipsed by his translation, with commentary 
and notes, of the Book of the Dead. Several times I had asked 
him about the possibility of such an undertaking, and during the 
year 1891 he, at last, after over forty years conscientious study 
and collation of texts, felt that he was in a position to give to the 
world a satisfactory and consecutive translation of this book, 
which always excites so much interest. 

It must be remembered that, although translations of a single 
papyrus, like those of Dr. Birch and M. Pierret, as also of separate 
chapters, had been printed, no one except Sir P. Renouf has 
attempted the laborious task of collecting together and reducing 
to order the scattered and often corrupt portions of the whole 
work in such a manner as would enable him to make an intelligible 
translation. 

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Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1897. 

This, the result of the unremitting labour of a lifetime, he freely 
gave to our Society; and it must ever remain one of the most 
scholarly and valuable contributions that lias ever appeared in the 
pages of our publications. 

From the time of his early college 'lays, when Sir Peter first 
began to study oriental languages, year by year he had continued to 
make himself master of any language which might be useful to him 
in Ids intended work. Having acquired a knowledge of most of 
the ancient and modern Semitic, Indo-European, Berber and 
Finnish languages, within the last few years he became a student 
of Chinese, for its important contributions to comparative philology. 
Indeed, there are few, if any, languages with which he was not 
acquainted. Such was the unique linguistic knowledge which he 
brought to bear on the Book of the Dead. 

The difficulties of the work are well known to those who have 
paid any attention to the subject ; these difficulties were shortly 
explained in a note by Mr. Renouf himself.''" Soon after the 
appearance of this note the publication of the translation was 
commenced, and Chapter I was printed in March, 1892.! Part 
by part this labour of love was continued throughout his illness, 
down to the very last, at a time when Sir Peter was unable to rise 
from his bed. He never neglected his favourite study ; the latest 
Part of the Proceedings, issued only a few days ago, contains the 
last Chapters % which he considered to be ready for publication. 

Sir Peter Renouf literally died in harness, hoping always to see his 
work finished, and it seems sad indeed that he was not spared 
to see the completion of a work to which he had given so much 
mental energy throughout so many long years. But a short time- 
would have enabled him to translate the few chapters that remain 
unfinished ; the book, however, though he himself was not per- 
mitted to finish it, must last for ever as a monument of erudition 
and true scholarship. 

Sir Peter ever worked hard for this Society ; he loved it, and 
the best products of his genius were given to it. His character 
was fitly described in one of the obituary notices which has already 
appeared : — " His personal character was one of rare simplicity 



* See Proceedings, Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIV, Part 2, 1st December, 1891. 
t Proceedings, Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. IV, Pari 5, 1st March, 1S92. 

* Chapters CXXXVI CXXXVIII. 

278 



Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

and charm. He was a scholar of the old type, as keen in learned 
controversy as he was heedless of personal advantage. His death 
leaves a gap in the world of learning that will not be easily 
filled up." To this I would add, that, like all true scholars, he was 
ever ready to give to others freely from the stores of his knowledge. 
No amount of labour and trouble was too much for him in helping 
a student. His quiet, modest manner has perhaps led some of 
those who did not know him intimately, not to appreciate fully the 
extent of his learning ; to myself, after an association and literary 
friendship extending over twenty years, his wide and varied 
knowledge was absolutely overwhelming, and this was joined with 
one of the gentlest and most kindly natures I ever knew. 



279 



Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S97. 



ASSYRIOLOGICAL NOTES. No. 3. 
By Professor A. H. Sayce. 

(I.) An Archaic Babylonian seal-cylinder was shown to me in 
Cairo, on which are the figures of a priest and the owner of the seal, 
a space being left for the figure of the deity which has never been 
filled in. The figures are accompanied by an inscription, in the 
third line of which the name of the god has been left blank, as well 
as the word "servant" which should have preceded it. The 
inscription is as follows (the Assyrian forms of the characters being 
substituted for the Babylonian forms of the original) : 

My <© tlSflf M Hf *■ A-ki-in-na-il 

2. >~£!ry s=TC *T HfM ^ yy 2 - arac * E-par-ri-mu-tsa 

3. «-y 3. [arad] il 

"Akinna-il the servant of Eparri-mutsa." In the first line the 
second character is hi, not di. The name in the second line may 
be Epar-rimuza for Epar-rimusa. Both names, however, are difficult 
to explain. 

(II.) A deed of sale (Rm. 2. 19) published by Dr. Peiser, 
Sammlung von assyrischen und babylonischen Texten, IV, pp. 105- 
107, is dated in the eponymy of Bel-danan (n.c. 734), ina sane pu- 
ri-su. This Dr. Peiser translates, " in his second period of office," 
and points out that on the Black Obelisk, 11. 174, 175, we must 
read : samite su pfi\ri\ \_sa~\ Assur Rammaui akruru (Layard : 
Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character, p. 97). Here the transla- 
tion will be: "for the second time the Pur-festival of Assur arid 
Rimmon I celebrated." The meaning of akruru was fixed by 
Rawlinson many years ago. Puru must signify originally, "lot," or 
"share," or "allotment," hence "an allotted time" or "term of 
office," and also a festival at an "allotted" or "fixed time." It 
would seem from the passage on the Black Obelisk that the festival 
in question took place at intervals of 30 years. At any rate the 
Assyrian puru must be the Pur of the book of Esther, from which 

2S0 



Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. 1S97. 

the feast of Purim derived its name (Esth. ix. 26). Pur, it is stated, 
signified "a lot" (Esth. ix. 24). The feast of Purim was kept by 
the Jews in the month Adar ; in the Assyrian calendar, on the other 
hand, the preceding month Sebat was sacred to Rimmon, while the 
intercalary Adar was consecrated to Assur. The Pur-festival 
mentioned on the Black Obelisk was kept by Shalmaneser II in 
B.C. 827 ; if it was regularly kept from that time onwards at intervals 
of 30 years, one of the celebrations would have fallen in B.C. 467, 
two years before the death of Xerxes. 

(III.) In another text published by Dr. Peiser (lb., p. 12), which 
is dated in the reign of Zabum, a monarch of the First Dynasty of 
Babylon, one of the witnesses is called A-kha-ma-nu. This is the 
Ahiman of Numb. xiii. 22, Josh. xv. 14. Another witness to the 
same deed is Pu-la-si-i, which reminds us of the Egyptian Pulasta, 
the Assyrian Palastu and Pilistu, "Philistia." 

(IV.) Among the witnesses to an Assyrian deed of sale of a 
slave (W.A.I. , III. 46, No. 1) are Suqa "the Sukian," Kusa "the 
Kusian " (from Kappadokia), Arba-ila, "the Arbelite," and Amma, 
the aba or " secretary (?) of the Aramaeans." Amma is literally 
" the Ammian,"' and he must have belonged to those " Beni-'Ammo " 
of whom we hear in Numb. xxii. 5, where it is said that Balaam 
came from Pethor "which is upon the river (Euphrates), the land 
of the children of 'Ammo." The country is called Ammiya, Ammi 
and Amma, in the Tel el-Amarna tablets. 

(V.) I have made a fresh collation of the letter from, or to, the 
king of Arzawa found at Tel el-Amarna (Winckler and Abel, No. 10), 
which is now in the Gizeh Museum, and have been able to make 
one or two corrections in the published copies. I have also suc- 
ceeded in identifying the character ££; which occurs in it. This is 
the early Babylonian r^, the Assyrian >J- kit. As for the name 
of the country to which the letter is addressed (or from which it 
was sent), it must have been Arzawa not Arzapi, since *]>- else- 
where in the letter has the value of wa. Here is my corrected 
transliteration of the text, with such attempts at translation as our 
present materials allow to be made : — 

1. |~um?]-ma J Ni-mu-ut-ri-ya sar rab sar mat 

I>rom (?) Nimutriya the great king, the king of the land 

Mi-iz-za-ri 
of Egypt; 

281 



Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

2. [nu ?]-ud J Tar-khu-un-da-ra-us sar mat Ar-za-wa ki-bi-ma 

to (?) Tarkhundaraus king of the land of Arzawa say: 

3. kit-ti-mi DAMQU-in BIT-ZUN-mi DAM-MES-mi TUR-MES-mi 
to myself (is) prosperity ; {to) my houses, my wives, my sons, 

4. AMIL-MES GAL-GAL-aS ZAB-MES-mi D.P. KUR-RA-ZUN-mi 

the officers of my soldiers, my horses, 

5. bi-ib-bi-id-mi MAT-MAT-zuN-mi gan-an-da khu-u-ma-an DAMQU-in 

my chariots, my provinces forever may there be prosperity I 



>— du-uk-mas kit-ta khu-u-ma-an DAMQU-in GiS-MES-tu 

In return to thee may there be prosperity I (To) thy trees, 

BIT-ZUN-ti DAM-MES-ti TUR-MES-ti AMIL-MES GAL-GAL-aS 

thy houses, thy wives, thy sons, the officers 

ZAB-MES-ti D.P. KUR-RA-ZUN-ti bi-ib-bi-id-ti, GIS-MES-tU 
of thy soldiers, thy horses, thy chariots, thy trees, 

MAT-zuN-ti khu-u-ma-an DAMQU-in 
thy provinces may there be prosperity .' 



1 o. •— ka-a-la-at-ta-mi *— e-nu-un | Ir-sa-ap-pa 
O my brother ! no7t> Irsappa 

11. amil kha-lu-ga-tal-la-an mi-in a-u-ma-ni TUR-SAL-ti 

messenger mine I have sent, thy daughter, 

12. AN-UT-mi [space] ku-in DAM-an-ni u-\va-da-an-zi 
O my Sun-god, for the sake of a wife he asks 

53. nu-us-si li-il khu-ud i-ni an sak-du si 
the god head her (?) 

14. ka-a-la-ta up-pa-akh-khu-un T su-kha la-li-ya GUSQIN 

O brother, a gift cue brick (?) have I sent of gold 

DAMQU-an-ta 
as thy present. 



15. *— a-ni ya-at-ta-la-mu ku-un-da-as kha-at-ra-mu (?) 
my ... .... 

2S2 



Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

16. ub-hi wa-ra-ad-mu [space] ne-it-ta up-pa-akh-khi EGiR-an-da 

my to thee (?) a present afterwards 

1 7. Pal-ta amil kha-lu-ga-tal-la-at-ti-in am-me-el-la 
Palta thy messenger .... 

iS. amil kha-lu-ga-tal-la-an egir khat khat-ra-a khu-u-da-a-AK 

the messenger after may he make (?) 

1 9. na-i-na-ad u-wa-an-du 



20. »— nu-ut-ta u-wa-an-zi u (?)-da-an-zi ku-sa-ta tur- 

To thee I send an embassy for the sake of thee [and] 

SAL-ti 

thy daughter ; 

2i. ^mil kha-lu-ga-tal-mi-is amil kha-lu-ga-tal-la ta 
my messenger [/:?] thy messenger 

22. ku-is tu el-lu (?)-qar (?) [space] na-as ag-ga-as 
for thee (?)... 

23. NU-mu AX-tu sal (?)-su-us ga-as-ga-as MAT-ya-as 
O my prince (?) thy god women (?) great (?) countries 

ub-bi is ta us as-su-un 

24. zi-in-nu-uk khu-u-ma-an-da 

.... may it be. 



25. nu Kha-at-te sa-as-sa mat E-i-ga-id 
ToQ) the Hit tit es fromQ) the land of Eigaid 

26. nu-ut-ta gis kal-la bi-ib-bi en-li up-pa-khu-un la-li 

to thee usu wood for a chariot ... as a gift I sent, 

27. ki-is-sa-ri-is-si | Ir-sa-ap-pa amil kha-lu-[ga-tal-la] 
By the hand of Irsafpa the messenger 

28. T-en su-kha la-li-ya gusqin ki-lal-bi tu . . . 

one brick (?) / sent of gold weighing .... 

29. xx ma-na gusqin m kit VJ in kit zab-kar- . . 
20 manehs of gold, 3 kit of S . . , 3 kit of . . . 

283 2 A 



Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

-:o. in kit khu-uz-zi vin kit ku-si-it-ti-in 



kit of ... , 8 kit of 



31. c kit an-na tab al-ga-an c kit kha-ab-ri(?) . . 

100 kit of lead , 100 kit .... 

32. c kit sir-ri-li-ya-as-sa . . . 
100 kit .... 

33. IV ABAN KU-KU-PU GAL NI DUG-GA VI ABAN KU-KU-PU . . . 

4 jars great of good oil, 6 jars . . . 

34. SA NI DUG-GA III GIS-GU-ZA SA GIS pa-na . . . 

of good oi/, 3 seats of . . . wood, 

35 x gis-gu-za sa gis kal is-li bi-ib-bi . . . 

10 seats of usu-wood . . for a chariot . . . 

36. X AKH-KHU-UZ II GIS-KAL la-li 

10 handles 2 pieces of us\i-7oood I sent. 

L. 1. The first character is lost, but the traces of it which 
remain resemble urn. 

L. 2. What is left of the first character is %%$; . The conjectural 
translation I have given is that proposed by Prof. Bezold ; but since 
the name of Tarkhundaraus is in the nominative it cannot be right. 
Moreover it is not probable that the Egyptian king would write in 
the language of Arzawa, or would call his own county " Mizzari," 
instead of Mizri. The more likely translation of the lines would 
accordingly be : " Thus, O Nimutriya, Tarkhundaraus says to thee." 
Nutta seems to mean "to thee" in lines 20, 26. 

L. 8. -As appears to denote the plural of nouns ; cf. W. and A. 
238. 16, Khattanas SAR-us, "the king of the Hittites." See also 
MAT-yas, line 23. 

L. 10. La here has a different form from the la of the next line] 
and might be decomposed into as-ma. But in kal-la, line 26, we 
find precisely the same form of character with the value of la. 

L. 15. Aniyattala seems to be compounded with the same word' 
as that which is found in Khalugatalla. Perhaps aniyattala-mu will 
signify "my letters." 

L. 18. We find egir /chat khat-ra-a and egir khat kha-at-ra-i in 
\V. and A. 238. 10, 13, which sho-v that J-fr must here have the 
value of khat. 

284 



Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

L. 22. Aggas, with the plural termination as may be the aqqati 
or aggati, of unknown signification, which occurs in the Babylonian 
letters of the king of Mitanni ( Winckler and Abel, No. 22, Rev. 30). 
JVas aggas may therefore be " these agg&ti." 

L. 25. The fourth character is te not du as given by Winckler. 
With Khatte, " the Hittites," compare W. and A. 238. 16, Khattanas 
SAR-us, "the king of the Hittites" (or perhaps "of the Khattina"). 
Nu may possibly be the ideograph of " prince," the translation 
being " O prince of the Hittites ! " The " land of Eigaid," as 
I noticed in the Proceedings of this Society (June, 1S89), must be 
" the land of Igadai," mentioned in the Egyptian Travels of a Mohar 
in connection with "the land of the Hittites." 

L. 29. The kit must be the Egyptian | ^ ket ( T \j- of the ten). 

L. 30. Kusittin will be the " kusiti garments " mentioned in a 
letter of the king of Alasia {Tell el- A mama Tablets in the British 
Museum, 6. 23).* 

For an analysis of the grammatical forms see my article in the 
Academy, Aug. 20, 1892, p. 155. 

(VI). In Bu. 91-5-9, 296 {Cuneiform Texts in the British 
Museum, II), there are several names belonging to the populations 
north of Assyria. We have among them Urdiya (or Urkhiya) the 
son of Iddib-sar (or Idkhib-sar) — which, however, may be Baby- 
lonian, — Irisenni the son of Iddibus (or Idkhibus), Akhsir-Tesup 
the son of I[ri]senni, Ukuya the son of Giskha, Kussu the son 
of Khuluqqa, Durar-Tesup the son of Gil-Tesup, and Akhsir-Babu 
the khazannu, or "governor," the son of Nubanani. Urdiya reminds 
us of Urdhu, or Ararat, called Urdhes in Vannic (Sayce, LXXXII. 
6), and Iddib-sar of Hittite names like Khata-sar, Khilip-sar, Pi-siris, 
etc. Khuluqqa seems to be the Assyrian Khilakku and Khiluku 
" Cilicia," while the god Tesup was the Mitannian Air-god, whose 
name is found in those of Comagenian kings like Kali-Tesup, and 
who was worshipped in Armenia under the form of Teisbas. Gil 
in Gil-Tesup must be the Mitannian Giliyas and Gilu-Khipa, and 
Akhsir and Irisenni are Mannian. Akhseri was the king of the 
Manna, in the time of Assur-bani-pal, and his grandson was Eris'inni. 
Eri enters into the formation of many Vannic names as well as of 
ere-las, "a king." t 

* In later Babylonian Kuiitum denoted an outer garment worn by women, 
t See the inscription from Melasgert, published by Dr. Scheil in the Recueil 
d& Travaux, etc., XVIII, p. 75. 

285 2 A 2 



Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

As for Babu, a country of Babas is mentioned in the Vannic texts, 
and its god was worshipped in the neighbourhood of Van (Sayce, 
V. 20), while Ukuya resembles the ethnic name Ukka. The 
contract in which these names occur carries them back to the age of 
the First dynasty of Babylon, and their forms tend to show that 
similar dialects were spoken at the time from the land of the 
Minni in the East to Cilicia in the West. In the Proceedings of this 
Society for Feb., 1897 (p. 80), Prof. Hommel has quoted the 
interesting Hittite name Akhlib-sar from a seal-cylinder in the 
Berlin Museum. As he points out, this is clearly the same name as 
the Khilip-sar of the Egyptian texts. Instead of connecting Khilip, 
however, with Girpa-ruda and Gerba-tusa, as he does, I would see 
in the word the name of Aleppo, and regard the proper name as 
belonging to the same class as Khata-sar and Kaui-sar, where the 
first element must be the Que or Qaui of the Assyrian monuments. 
The spelling of Iddib-sar, with the sign for sarru, " king," indicates 
that the vowel of the last syllable is a, and perhaps throws light on 
the meaning of the word.* 

Khiliba is the name of a precious stone in the Tel el-Amarna 
tablets {Winckler and Abel, 25. 45, etc.), and was included among 
the objects sent from Mitanni. I have always believed that it 
derived its name from the town of Aleppo, like the wood (?) or 
weights (?) of Carchemish {Karkamitfi) mentioned in Bu. 88-5-12, 
163. 11, and 88-5-12, 19. 8.f 

(VII.) I give here a copy of one of my Gyiil Tepe" texts (S. 1). 
The following is a transliteration and translation of it : — 

1. iv ma-na kaspi tsa-ru-ba 
Four mane lis of silver, rejined, 

2. a-na an Tar-ku-zar (?)-ba-am 

to Tarku-zar^)bu 

' It is noticeable thai Tiglath-pilcser I says of the Comagenian king, that he 
was called " saru-pi," where j>i is the suffixed article of Mitannian. It would 
appear, therefore, that in Comagenian sane must have signified "king." The 
word was probably borrowed from Babylonia. 

t Since the above was written I have seen Mr. Pinches' article in ihtjouru. 
/>'. .l.S. , July, 1897, pp. 589-613, in which he gives a translation of the inscrip- 
tion, and draws attention to the linguistic character of the proper names. To 
ihf.se I have given he adds Tekhib-tilla (or Tedib-tilla), Ta-isenni, Sella and 
Wantia. 

286 



Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

3. an ni-ti-da (?) tur Khi-ti-ili 
Salas-ti-da (?) the son of Khiti-ili (has lent), 

4. is-du kha-mu-us-tim 
after the week 



5- 


sa 


A-sur-i-me-di 






'/ 


Asur-imedi 




6. 


u 


A-sur-rabu 


a-na 




and 


Asur-rabu : 


after 


7- 


IV 


sa-na-at 






4 


years 





8. viii ma-na kaspi 
8 manehs of silver 



9- 


i-sa-gal 
/?£ must pay. 






10. 


Ka-ar-ma-du 

Karmadu {is) 






11. 


li-mu-um 
the eponym, 






12. 


Sa-ga-ti-qad-du-a 
Sagati-qaddua 






i3- 


il-ki-su -^ 


kaspa 


a-na 




has taken it viz. 


the silver : 


for 



14. ka-ru-ki-su kal-la u-rae 

his . . . all the time 

15. ma-la an Tarku-zar (?)-ba 
the tchole Tarku-zar (?) da 

16. i-ga-su-du u an hi ti-da (?) 

shall possess, and Salas-tida (?) 

17. ma-la-su ma-rab 
the whole of it entirely 

18. i-pa-du-su - ma il-ki 
shall deliver it up, and there shall take 

287 



Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

ig. a-bit an m-ti-da (?) ru-ku-um 

the guaranty of Salas-tida (?) who is absent 

20. E-ra-tim 
Eratim. 

21. Pan La-li-im 
Witnessed by Lalim 

22. pan Ki-na-nim 

and Kinanim. 

I have already given a translation of this tablet in the Records 
of the Past, New Series, VI. p. 131. Its chief interest lies in the 
fact that the name of Tarku is preceded by the determinative of 
divinity, showing that I was right many years ago in concluding 
that Tarku was a god, and in the further fact that mention is made 
of a god or goddess " Three." The Babylonians knew of a goddess 
Salas, the mother of the Fire-god (see Tallqvist : Die assyrische 
Beschworungsserie Maqlu p. 49) ; though whether her name was 
connected with salsu " three " is questionable. In the Hittite 
inscriptions there is also a "country III." 

L. 1. Tsaruba is the Heb. FpJ£. 

L. 3. If Khiti-ili is the right transliteration, the name will be the 
same as that of Ilu-khite king of Supre or Subari mentioned by 
Assur-nazir-pal (W.A.I. I. 20. II. 12.). Compare also Khite.-ruadas 
king of Malatiyeh mentioned in the Vannic inscriptions, with the 
latter part of whose name that of Garpa-ruda of Gurgum is identical. 

L. 4. The mysterious khamustim, "a fifth," means, I believe, 
"a week" in these Cappadocian tablets. The early Latins had a 
week of nine days (nundina;) the memory of which was preserved 
among the country people, and the Greeks a week of ten days. 
The three-fold division of the month of thirty days seems to have 
been derived from Babylonia, and just as the kasbu or "double 
hour" came to be divided in half, so the long week of ten days 
might have been similarly halved in Asia Minor. In later Baby- 
lonian khummusu seems to have signified "a piece of 5 shekels"; 
see Peiser : Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, IV. p. 183. 

L. 16. Igasudu represents the Assyrian ikassadu. 

L. 19. Abit is the Assyrian abut it. 

L. 20. In Golknischeff, III. 1 6. Ena-Asur is the son of Erati. 

L. 22. Kinanim may be "the merchant." 

288 



Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

(VIII.) I add a copy of one of the texts brought by Prof. W. M. 
Ramsay from Kaisariyeh of which I have given an imperfect tran- 
scription in the Proceedings of this Society Nov., 1883. The following 
is a transliteration and translation of it. 

1. xiii ner (?) siqli kas ; pi a-su-me-ga 
Thirteen and a ner (?) shekels of silver, thy share (?) 

2. a-na-ku | kha-bu-ul-ma 

I have mortgaged, and 

3. 11 Zu-ta-akh-zi-iz di-ni 
also Zu-tahhziz judgment 

4. i-ti-ma tsir (?) ga-ga-ad 
has given (?), and upon the head 

5. Iz-me-tas ir-ku-um-ma 

of Izmetas (?) has declared (saying) : 

6. a-na sa-la-du-ar 

' That they be not returned 

7. e-ti-ru-ma xv siqli kaspi 

I have paid the 15 shekels of silver ; 

8. as - ku - ul a-kha-a-ta kaspi 

I have weighed the rest of the silver, 

9. xv siqli a-na Sa-ki-[zu] 
15 shekels, for Sakizu 

10. mar a-khi su-ku-ul 
the son of my brother, the payment 

11. xx ma-na-um ma-ni duppi 
of 20 manehs, even the manehs of the tablet, 

12. ga-du-um sa i-na 
along with what (is) on 

13. pi-ikh-su a-ta-di-na ma-ni 

its . . . I have given.'' The manehs 

14. i-li-ga-ga 

he has taken for thee, 

289 



Nov.2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S97. 

15. um-ma A-sur-i-ti-ma 
saying: ' Asur-itima (?) 

if), a-na Ma-nu-ki-A-sur 

to Manu-ki-Asur 

17. du-du-zi A-sur-ki-na-ra-am 

t lie grandson (?) of Asur-ki-naram 

18. u an UD-tab-ba-nahid ki-bi-ma 
<7//,Y Samas-tabba-nahid has said ; 

19. a-na Ma-nu-ki-A-sur ki-bi-ma 

to Manu-ki-Asur he lias said : 

20. xxxiii ma-na-um i-li-ga 

' 33 manehs lie has taken, 

2i. ni-ti-ma a-na-ku . . . ga 

we have known (?), and J thy . . , 

22. a-na bit A-bu-sa-lim 
into the house of Absalom 

23. mar A-sur-e-mu-ki 
the son of Asur-eniuki 

24. a - ru - ub - ma sak - a - ta 
have entered, and the capital (?) 

25. Sa-ki-zu a-na sak 

Sakizu for capital X?), 

26. . . 1 bar ma-na-TA kaspi 

. . 1^ manehs of silver. 

27. a-kha-a-ta kaspi u ... 

The rest of the silver and . . . [belongs to 

28. Sa-ki-zu mar a-khi-MES 

Sakizu the son of the brothers. 

!<■). a-sar sa-khu-su ni- 

The place of his sakhut we 

30. li-h 

have ascended.' 

290 



Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

I have already given a translation of this text in the Records of 
the Past, New Series VI, p. 130. 

I.. 1*. In Golenischeff XV. 1 5, we have saiel asuine rasaum, 
which seems to mean " demanding a share of the property." But the 
word asuine is obscure. It can hardly be like the Heb. Q'lUN "a 
sin-offering." The first two words may mean " 13 ner of shekels." 

L. 4. Iti may be the Assyrian idi " he knows ; " see niti in 1. 21, 
Here, however, the phrase appears to be dim iddi, " has laid down 
judgment." 

L. 5. Irknmma from the Assyrian ragamu. 

L. 7. Etiru is the Ass. edhiru. 

L. 13. Pikh may be the pukhi of the Assyrian texts. Perhaps it 
means " enclosure," from pihhu '' to close up." 

L. 15. Perhaps we should translate: "Asur has known." See 
note on 1. 4. 

L. 24. Arub seems to be a mistake for erub. 

L. 26. Or "at the rate of . . \\ shekels." 

(IX.) In Golenischeff XIII. 8, ki-ra-tim signifies " gardens " 
or " plantations," the Assyrian kiru ; c-zi-e in the same tablet, 1. 14, 
is " trees," Assyrian etsi. 

In Golenischeff XX. 8, mention is made of " 3 shekels of 
stamped silver " (kaspu ku-nu-ki-ni). Kunukini is derived from 
kunuku "a seal," and must indicate that a seal or stamp was put 
upon the pieces of silver. The fact is interesting in its bearing on 
the history of money. 

(X.) Some years ago I pointed out that the situation of ( v )atna, 
from which two of the Tel el-Amarna letters were sent ( The Tell 
cl-Amarna tablets in the British Museum, Nos. 36, 37), is fixed by 
the Annals of Assur-nazir-pal ; but if I may judge from recently 
published remarks on the matter, both my own words, and those of 
the Assyrian king, have been overlooked. Assur-nazir-pal (W.A.I. 
I. 23. III. 5-8) states that after leaving Sadikanni, now Arban, on 
the Khabur, he marched to Qatni, then to Dur-Qadlime and 
Bit-Khalupe, the modern Helebi (Khalbu, No. 246, in the list of 
Thothmes III), and then to Sirqi or Circesium at the junction of 
the Khabur and Euphrates. The site of Qatni between Arban and 
Helebi is therefore clearly determined. In W.A.I. II. 60. 3c- 
Qatnu is said to be the god of the city of Qatan, where the spelling 
shows that the second radical is / and not dh (£3). With the name 
we may compare the Qadnu of Seti I (No. 9) called Qadnaf by 

291 



Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1S97. 

Amenothes III (Lepsius, Dsnkmaler III. 88). It may be added 
that in a fragmentary letter from Qatna, found at Tel el-Amarna, 
and now in Berlin (No. 233, line 15), we have the name of [Gar-] 
ga-mi-is or Carchemish. 

(XL) Mr. Pinches tells me that he has found the name of the 
Babylonian king which has been variously read Ammi-satana and 
Ammi-ditana written with ^ instead of ^|^f in the first syllable of 
the second element in the compound. We must therefore read 
Ammi-dhitana. The final -na I should explain as the suffixed 
pronoun of the first person plural, as in Samsu-ilu-na or the name of 
the Hamathite king Irkhu-(i)le-na, and the name may perhaps 
signify " Arami is our leader." In any case, Ammi is parallel to 
Samsu, the sun-god, in Samsu-iluna, and Irkhu, the moon-god, in 
Irkhu-lena, and like them must be the name of a deity. 

(XII.) Among the names found in Babylonian tablets of the age 
of Khammurabi is one which is read Be-ta-ni. I should rather read 
Beta-ili, and compare it with the Biblical Bethuel, and the Beti-ilu 
of the Tel el-Amarna tablets ( Winckler, 51. 20, 125. 3. 28). 




292 



Nov. 2] 



PROCEEDINGS. 



[1S97. 



NOTES. 

By F. Ll. Griffith. 



Scarabs belonging to Mr. John Ward. 

In looking over the fine collection of scarabs belonging to 
Mr. John Ward, F.S.A., of Belfast, I note the following as some 
of the more remarkable from an historical point of view. 

-z O 



h , see below, note on the Khyan group of kings. 



In A.Z., XXXIII, 143, Erman published a 
scarab in the Berlin collection with the cartouche 
Mlft.n.J? c (Maat-en-ra) written as here, but asso- 
ciated with <^~^ . I have never had any 




faith in the 
incessantly 



O 



king " Nefer-Ra," who is 
appearing on scarabs : this 
name is probably a mere blunder, and the 
present scarab seems to show what the origin 
of it was. It must be of the XHIth dynasty, and I agree with 
Prof. Erman that the other cartouche is probably of King Khenzer. 
There are several scarabs with the name of Nefer-ka-ra that appear 
to be of about that age. 

This is "the King's eldest son Nehesi," who erected 
an obelisk to Set at Tanis. In Miss Brocklehurst's 



1M 



^ 



\o 



□ D 



collection was a scarab of the King Nehesi 
whose name was found by M. Naville on the 
base of a statue at Tell Mokdam. It has 
since been exchanged with Prof. Petrie. 
Purchased at Ombos. It has been suggested 
that this scarab gives the name of the god 
Sutekh with that of King Apepa, but it will be 
seen that we have here only an abbreviation of 
2 93 






Nov. 2] 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCII.l'.OLOGV. 



[1S97. 



] 



O 



, as in other scarabs (Petrie, Hist. Sc, 3S2 ; cf. 3S3, of 



the same man). Apepa, the name of the Hyksos Apophis, occurs 
as that of private persons not uncommonly in or about the XHIth 
dynasty (see Lieblein). The Apepa of this scarab is a " royal 
acquaintance." 

'"'The erpa //a, priest of Osiris, lord of 
Dad, great chief, Pima." This is probably 



D 



Willis 



^J) 



n AT? 



A 



who submitted to Piankhy at 



Athribis (Stela, 1. 116). Another specimen of this scarab is in 
the Edwards Collection at University College. 

" King of Upper and Lower Egypt, 
Taharqa : Son of the Sun, Piankhy." 
This is the finest glazed pottery scarab 
that I have seen. It is considerably 
above the ordinary size, and the back 
is modelled in the style of the Middle 
Kingdom, so that it is also a remarkable instance of the revival 
of an old style. Piankhy must be Piankhy II, who, according to 
the genealogical table given by Erman, A.Z., XXXV, p. 29, was 
father of Taharqa. He takes the second place on the scarab. 




CD 



The Khyan Group of Kings. 

This scarab is not uncommon in collections (see Petrie, 

Hist. Scar., Nos. 69-86; Petrie, Hist. I, p. 103; Catalogue 

^ of Hilton Price Collection, No. 169, etc., etc.), but is usually 

A JjL read by collectors Pepa, or Pepy, and both in his scarab 

book and in his History Prof. Petrie has identified the name 

with that of Pepy II. In all the original instances I have seen, 

and they number a dozen or more, the reading is either clearly or 

preferentially (I ; scarcely (I, much less (1(1, which is the 

invariable spelling of the name of Pepy. It is evident that the 
king's name on these scarabs is Shesha ; possibly another king of the 

same group was called (I Pp't (Pepa not Pepy), many of the scarabs 

seeming to favour that reading as they appear in the publications. 

294 



Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97 

These scarabs are of special importance ; as Prof. Petrie lias 
shown {Hist., I, p. 119), they belong to a remarkable group inscribed 
with royal names and very distinct in style, the signs being engraved 
either between vertical lines or within scroll-work open at the top. 
The name of Pepy, if authentic, would have dated the group, and 
Prof. Petrie, who has been the first to raise the question in any form, 
has arranged them at the end of the Vlth dynasty and the beginning 
of the Vllth. There is room for them both in the great gap between 
the Old Kingdom and the Middle Kingdom, and in that between 
the Middle Kingdom and the New ; and it is to the later of these 
two periods that Khyan, the most prominent name among them, 
has usually been attributed (Navillk, Bubastis, p. 23, ct seq.). 

As we can see from the Historical Scarabs and the illustrations 
in Petrie's History, vol. I, this group of obscure but scarab-loving 

kings includes |T 'n^ ( O [1 \ ™™ ] and 4\^ [ ® fj!] ^>wwaa \ (the 

v\ strangely rendered like xS^., as always in early scarab work),' 

which cartouches are known by other monuments to have belonged 
to one king, Hfin, Khyan. The rest are more obscure ; their 

prenomens — arranged from common to rare — are : | T ( ^S^ 7 <& ] • 

nomens in similar order are ^^ f \rr J l (j I Ssl (Shesha) ; fc^ 
] Y'pkhr, Yapeqher, or as Petrie's newly-acquired 



a rn 



n ra 



specimen reads f It ^ | Y'kbhr, Yaqebher, connecting 



the name with that of Jacob, as he suggests ; <^\ f (](] ^3^J | 

Nby (?), Neby; ^^ (^^a^Ej <? ' Aa ( a doubtful reading). 

SIC 

There is also included a king | T f | ^^^ | Wyld, Uazed, of 

whom several scarabs are known : apparently he had no prenomen. 
It is tempting to pair the four prenomens with the four nomens, but 
for this there is as yet no sort of proof. The name Uazed, W%dd, is 

most nearly approached by I " L — Tl ^ Wldd, Uazez (Lieblein, 

and Rec. de Trav., XII, 11), which seems to me to date from the 
end of the Xllth or the beginning of the XHIth dynasty. 

2 95 



y 



Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1S97. 

Shesha, Ssl, occurs as a private name on stelae of the YIth 
dynasty, Liebleix, 43, 140S, and in Xllth — XHIth dynasty, 

Suppl. 515. 

f ^ seems to be for ( ^Z^ J ^ ~£™ | ("Swimmer"?), and as 
Petrie has pointed out in his History, I, p. 113, this name 
occurs under the form ( © J \J ^37 J (j \ j , as that of the 

43rd king on the tablet of Abydos: Merenra II, of the Vlth 

— — — dynasty, being No. 39, and Neb-kher-ra Mentu-hetep of the 

Xlth being No. 57. ^37 J [1(1 (without the determinative ~£~£) 
curiously enough is a regular name in the New Kingdom. 

I < ^ ££££ J? Aa? In the XlXth dynasty we have £?££ as a 

private name, Lieblein, 639. 

The list of Eratosthenes is at present so hopelessly enigmatical, 
that it is useless to compare Met//j?;9 with M\ c .lb.r c . 

So far the evidence of names is in favour of placing this group 
of scarabs in the gap between the Vlth — Xlth dynasties, rather 
than in that between the XHIth— XVIIth. 

The group may be labelled by the most conspicuous name 
occurring in it, and called the Khyan group. Monuments of 
Khyan have been found at Gebelen in Upper Egypt, and at 
Bubastis in Lower Egypt. His scarabs, too, often come from 
Thebes and Abydos, and in other cases appear to have been found 
in Lower Egypt. It is a curious fact that the monuments of this 
king are associated with those of Apepy both at Gebelen and at 
Bubastis, and this gives some faint support to the theory that 
Khyan may belong to the Hyksos period. Also Borchardt, A.Z., 
XXXIII, 142, thinks that the cartouche of Khyan on the statue 
has been added over an erasure, and that the statue being of the 
Xllth dynasty style, Khyan must be placed later. The name of 
Khyan is found on cylinders similar in general style to those of the 
Xllth dynasty and of Sebekhetep I. Such cylinders are unknown 
for the Xlth dynasty, and are quite different from those of the Old 
Kingdom. The type of the scarabs seems to be almost as distinct 
from those known to be Hyksos and XHIth dynast)-, as from Xllth 
dynasty and earlier types. 

Two things, however, still remain to be mentioned : 1st the 

Chya 
296 



■O f\/vr) 

peculiar title f , borne by Khyan upon some of his scarabs and 



Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

cylinders, and 2nd the strange LJ *^_ ft ft , "beloved of his ka" 

on his statue. is to all appearance a royal title like I . It 

is, I believe, to be read hk hlsht (heqa khaskhet), and as h generally 
changed to CLj in Coptic, the derivative from the title might very well 
be something like 'Y/co-ws. But f"do not wish to press this. A good 
instance of h\sht for ^jf| in certain cases, can be detected in Mar. 

Q f|Q|W| 

Mast., p. 1 88, mr wd-md nb n stn \d\d\ n\rw Hr m \\\ rw^i , 

(mer ud med neb en seten dada neru Her em, etc.) where the 
Aswan tombs have ^ ^ ^ ^& ^ ^ | J?^ i^ ^ 

. The singular of the word seems to be \0\ I r^x^i : cf. 

statue A 93 in the Louvre, and examples quoted by Brugsch. . If so, 
the plural form is very abnormal for Egyptian, resembling the broken 
plurals of the Semitic tongues. In B.H.I., PI. XXVIII, the petty chief 

Absha is f ^ r ^ hk\ h\st (?), (heqa khast), "ruler of a foreign country," 
and in Safickat, 1. 176, we have the phrase \A V\ 



I /vwvna 

"(His Majesty sent unto me presents as he would unto) the ruler 

-9 

of any foreign country." I is applied to places not to peoples. 

Khyan's title is naturally higher than that of Absha, and means 
ruler of foreign countries or of deserts, etc. The presence of his 
name on the lion from Baghdad (read with some uncertainty, owing 
to the bad engraving), suggested to Prof. Petrie that Khyan may 
have been the ruler of a great empire. Perhaps he will someday 
appear as an invader, or otherwise, in the annals of Babylonia. 
The foreign aspect of the names is sufficiently obvious. And 
secondly, it is curious that there is only one dedication known in 
connexion with the whole group of Khyan kings, namely, the 
abnormal dedication by Khyan himself to his own ka, instead of to 
a divinity. 

For my my own part I should prefer an early Hyksos date, if the 
Manethonean lists in Josephus gave any support to it. And who 
were the Xoites of the XlVth dynasty? Can they have received 

this appellation rightly, or by false analogy, from the title f ? 

For Khasa, Khasu, h\swQ\ seems to have been the name of Xois, 

297 



Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897 

and e ~i y fl, "bull of Khast (?)," was probably its nome sign, while 



the whole territory of the Vlth and Vllth nomes favoured such 
names. At present, pace historians, we have no real information 
whatever about the XlVth dynasty. 

The Israel Stela. 

Dr. Spiegelberg has edited this stela in the Zeitschrift with a 
fulness of knowledge and insight worthy of all praise. He has 
cleared away many difficulties, and in other cases has opened the 
way for his successors. The following remarks have occurred 
to me on reading his edition of the text. 

-WWW H / A fl I <3 «yl n -fv I 

— -^ . For the meaning of // hr-w (en heru), cf. JPiankhy, 

1. 6. "The governors sent to His Majesty daily, saying, 'Art 
thou silent to the extent of forgetting the Thebaid and the nomes 

of the Residence? Tafnekht ( V\ ° J1 * \ is pressing forward 

with conquest, and finds none to stay his arm,' " etc. So also 
ibid., 1. 95, at the storming of Memphis. " His Majesty com- 

manded his soldiers (saying,) ' Forward ! ( ~ ~wvw < -^ = - > J ^ 

scale the walls, enter the houses on the river bank ! ' " Hence, 
inserting 1 after smw, I translate this passage nearly as in my rough 
translation given early last year in the Contemporary Review : n\ysn 
Smw-n-hrw [naysen shemu en heru] must mean " their marchers 
forward," and the next phrase may mean, " and those who leave 
the rear behind," the two phrases and following context together 
being equivalent to, "their boldest soldiers, their feet stayed not, 
but they ran away," etc. The sense, however, is not very clear. 

1. 24. In the pleasing description of the safety of Egypt from the 
predatory tribes we have the following sentence, "The cattle of the 

field are let go to wander loose ( Y v\ (1(1 Jr^i ), no herdsmen cross the 

river flood.'' Ordinarily cattle are tethered and watched, and if their 
pasture should lie across the river, they are conveyed back to the 
home side on the approach of night. Anyone who has spent a few- 
nights on the western edge of the Delta, knows that the villagers 
have generally managed to put a canal between themselves and the 

298 



Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

desert as a protection against cattle-stealers, and that it is exceedingly 
difficult to persuade one's guards to stop the night on the desert 
side. 

In the illustrative passage quoted by Spiegelberg we have another 
excellent piece of local colour : " Egypt and the lands are in peace 

under his rule, the land is like a (?), without wrong-doing, so 

that a woman can go whither she will, her clothes on her head 

(^_^_f_^) 3 -«« I her step wide [^^^ \ ^ ^ \ ±J) 
to the place she desires." The Egyptian fellah women, when crossing 
a piece of desert in twos and threes, or wandering with their female 
companions in the reedy marshes of the Delta, often gather their 
clothes up in a bundle on their heads to give free movement to their 
limbs. And here I may mention that as a simple waist-cloth was 
worn by the women in professional dancing and in some domestic 
avocations (B.H I., PL XXIX, grinding corn and spinning thread), 
the agility thereby gained apparently gave rise to a homely proverb, 
met with in the Pyramid texts, W. 479 = N. 748 "thou departest 
from the earth more swiftly (or springing higher) than a girded 



8 ^ H^-.^ 00 T 3 



Additional Notes to " Egyptian Literature." 

In an encyclopaedic publication entitled " The World's Best 
Literature " (New York, Hill and Co., edited by C. Dudley Warner), 
there is about to appear an article on "Egyptian Literature " con- 
taining a number of long translations of inscriptions and papyri 
made by myself. Here and there in these translations are difficulties 
which could not well be explained in the footnotes, or which suggest 
still further comment, and three such additional notes and comments 
are here submitted to the Society. 

Sanehat, 1. 268. I have probably made a mistake in speaking of 
the menat bead-strings as "tinkling." More probably they were 
waved, so as to display their colour and brightness in the hands or 
round the neck, as part of the accessories of dancing. There is no 
word corresponding to "tinkle" in the original. 

C\ T~y ^°^ j as shown by a squeeze 
at Berlin, collated by Crum, and kindly communicated to me. 
The Oi I take to be A , but this may be wrong. The horns of the 
animal should be waved. 

299 



Nnv. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOCY. [1897. 

Ibid. 1. 30. ^^ j^^™^^^* • The first 

part reads///MV ww (pehui uu), and is identical with -— ^ v\ 

in Piankhy, 1. 3. It is perhaps best to understand it as denoting 
the coast of the Mediterranean. 

Negative Confession, CXXV, iS. "I have not trapped birds, the 
bones of the gods" (var., "birds of the bones of the gods," '-divine 
birds," etc.). In spite of its strangeness, this is the rendering to 
which the different texts seem to point, and I have since found a 
passage in the Pyramid texts, Unas, 1. 209, which seems to support 

and explain it, || ~J ^^^ <§>&& j^t^ 
"thy bones are the divine female hawks which are in heaven." The 
bones are those of the deceased Unas as Osiris ; so it appears that 
the birds spoken of in the Book of the Dead are those of certain 
kinds, the sacred hawks at any rate, which were believed to supply 
the bones, i.e., framework, on which the gods and the ethereal 
portions of deceased men could fly from earth to heaven ; there 
would be no difficulty in illustrating this view further from the 
Pyramid texts, but I do not see the way clear at present to prove 
its correctness absolutely. 




300 



Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

HAEMATITE CYLINDER FROM CAPPADOCIA. 
By Prof. A. H. Sayce. 

The seal-cylinder, of which an impression is here given, was 
purchased by me at Smyrna in 1879. It is of haematite and 
had been brought from Cappa- 

docia along with a gryphon's ^ > ? 

head in red stone, which is now, 

I believe, in the Louvre, and - "^U 

which bears upon it, in cunei- * «-* - : 

form characters, the name of 9 5- — I " """^ 

Kuaruman.* The cylinder is very 
beautifully engraved, and is in what is termed the " Hittite style." 

The two lines of cuneiform characters inscribed upon it are 
puzzling. I used to suppose that they were ornamental merely, 
and had been made by an artist who was as ignorant of the 
cuneiform syllabary as the Phoenician artists were of the Egyptian 
hieroglyphs, which they copied for ornamental purposes. But some 
of the forged tablets brought from Cappadocia by Mr. Chantre 
have characters upon them somewhat similar in form, which may 
have been imitated from genuine inscriptions. In this case we 
should have to suppose that the Cappadocians had developed a 
peculiar cuneiform script of their own. It is also possible that 
the engraver has copied his text backwards, the upright wedge 
being the determinative of an individual. If so we might read 
the two lines : — (1) nun nu tur (?) me khal (2) nun an sar 
nun nu za. But it is more probable that the upright wedge is 
intended to mark the end of the inscription. 

The sun and moon, it will be noticed, are accompanied by 
the seven stars. The hare is a common symbol in Hittite art ; 
the object below it seems to be intended for a musical instrument. 
The cylinder was probably found at the Gy51 Tepe near Kaisariyeh, 
like the Cappadocian cuneiform tablets and other antiquities which 
nave of late years been offered for sale. 

* Published in the Proceedings of this Society, Vol. IV, p. 19, and Vol. V, 
p. 44- 

301 



Nov. 2} SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S97. 



6, Gray's Inn Square, 

6th November, 1897. 

Dear Mr. Rylands, 

I see that in the last Report of the Egypt Exploration Fund, 
Mr. Crum takes exception to my rendering of the Coptic spell 
which appeared in the Proceedings of May last. His contention 
appears to be, that three words in the copy of the text, as it appears 
in Wessely's Griechische Zauberpapyri, from which my translation 
was confessedly made, have been altered in transcription, and do not 
correspond with the original. Or, to mention only one instance, that 
the word COUXy, which I translate "Ethiopian," is not in the 
Papyrus at all, its place being taken by some word meaning " on 
him" (query CpO^?). This, I understand, he has ascertained by 
actual inspection of the Papyrus at the Bibliothcque Nationale. 

If this is the case, Mr. Crum will do me a great service by 
publishing in the Proceedings or elsewhere, his own transcription of 
the few lines of Coptic which the spell contains. His reading of 
the word IC<LCTie, which I (following therein M. Revillout), took 
for a divine name, as some word meaning "seven" (query C<Lcycj?), 
if correct, may throw some light on the date when the spell was 
composed, and the creed of the composer. 

Very faithfully yours, 

F. LEGGE. 



The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 
37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, 
7th December, 1897, at 8 p.m., when the following Papers 
will be read : — 

Jos. Offord : — Notes on the Congress of Orientalists held at 

Paris, 1897. 
Prof. Dr. Oppi:rt (read by the Rev. C. J. Ball): — "The 

Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Book of Kings." 



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Four Recently Discovered Portions (together with verses from the 
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from a Unique MS. in the British Museum, with a Transcription, Transla- 
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Society of Biblical Archeology. 



COUNCIL, 1897. 



President. 

Walter Morrison, M.I'. 

Vice • Presidents , 

The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishoi' of York. 

The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c, &c. 

The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney. 

The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury. 

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c. 

Arthur Cates. 

F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c. 

Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c. 

Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A. 

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 

Council. 

Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A. Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c. 

Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D. Rev. James Marshall, M.A. 

Thomas Christy, F.L.S. Claude G. Montefiore. 

Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S. Prof. E. Naville. 

Charles Harrison, F.S.A. J. Pollard. 

Gray Hill. Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., F.R.S., 

Prof. T. Hayter Lewis, F.S.A. ! &c. 



Honorary Treasurer — BERNARD T. BoSANQUET. 

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VOL. XIX. Part 8. . 



PROCEEDINGS 



THE SOCIETY 



BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. 



VOL. XIX. TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION. 

Eighth Meeting, December yth, 1897. 



-«$$- 



CONTENTS. 

P*GE 

J. Offord. — Notes on the Congress of Orientalists, Paris 3°5~3 IT 

Prof. Dr. Hommel. — Assyriological Notes 312-315 



PUBLISHED AT 

THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY, 
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1897. 



[No. CXLIX.] 



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make ready the plates, etc., named in the November 
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to bind this volume until it is complete. 

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PROCEEDINGS 



OF 



THE SOCIETY 



OF 



BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. 



TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION, 1897. 



Eighth Meeting, yth December, 1897. 
WALTER MORRISON, M.P., President, 

IN THE CHAIR. 



■&$>• 



The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author : — Prof. Ignazio Guidi. II " Fetha Negast," O. 
" Legislazione Dei Re," Codice Ecclesiastico E. Civile di 
Ahissinia. 4to. Roma. 1897. 

From the Publishers : — David Nutt. Massila-Carthago. Sacrifice 
Tablets of the Worship of Baal. By Rev. J. M. Macdonald, M. A. 
8vo. London. 1897. 

From the Editeurs : — M. Bretschneider e. M. Regenberg. Gli 
Obelischi Egziani. Di Roma Illustrate con Traduzione Dei 
Testi Geroglifici Da. Orazio Marucchi. 8vo. Roma. 1898. 

[No. cxlix.] 303 2 c 



Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S97. 

From the Author : — M. Clermont-Ganneau. Les Tombeaux de 
David et des Rois de Juda ; et, Le Tunnel-Aqueduc de Silve. 
8vo. Paris. 1897. 

From the Author : — Prof. G. Maspero. La Table d'Offrades, 
des Tombeaux Egyptiens. (Extrait Revue l'Ffist. des Relig.) 
8vo. Paris. 1897. 

From the Author :— Rev. P. A. C. de Cara, S.J. Gli Hethi- 
Pelasgi in Italia. Gl' Italic! Nella Paletnologia Italiana. 
8vo. Roma. 1897. 

From the Author : — Dr. A. Wiedmann. Menschenvergotterung 
im alten Agypten. Svo. Bonn. 1897. 



The following Candidates were nominated for election at 
the next Meeting to be held on the 1 ith January, 1898 : — 

Admiral Selwyn, 186, Gloucester Terrace, Hyde Park, W. 
John Tuckwell, 32, Sarre Road, West Hampstead, N.W. 

The following Candidates were elected Members of the 
Society, having been nominated at the last Meeting, held 
on the 2nd November, 1897. 

Dr. Ph. Friedrich Wilhelm Freiher von Bissing, in den Zelten 

21, Berlin. 
Major-General Hastings, 29. Lansdowne Road, Bedford. 
Tertius Joynson, Beaumaris. 
Dr. Paul Ruben, 2, Warrington Crescent, W. 



Mr. J. Offord read some Notes on the Congress of 
Orientalists, held at Paris. 

The Rev. C. J. Ball read a Paper by Prof. Dr. Oppert, 
entitled, " The Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Book of 
Kings." 

Remarks were added by Mr. J. Offord, the Rev. C. J. Ball, 
Rev. Jas. Marshall, Rev. Dr. Lowy, and the President. 

The thanks of the Meeting were returned for these 
Papers, and to the Rev. C. J. Ball for his trouble. 

3°4 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. I1S97. 



NOTES ON THE CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS, PARIS. 
By J. Offord, M.J.S. 

Thinking that a short account of some of the proceedings at the 
recent Congress of Orientalists in Paris by one who enjoyed the 
privilege of attending there, might be of interest to the members of 
the Soc. Bibl. Arch., I have put together the following notes : — 

Commencing with the Egyptian section, which was very fully 
attended, and was presided over by M. Naville, two important 
announcements were made as to forthcoming publications, and in 
both cases science is to be indebted to the Germans for these works 
of erudition. 

The first of these is a " Thesaurus verborum aegyptiacorum" 
which is as far as possible to contain all the words known both in 
hiereoglyphic and hieratic texts. The work is to be so complete 
and comprehensive that it is not anticipated that the final volume 
will be issued before 1913. 

The second great work is the publication of the journal of 
Lepsius during his residence in Egypt, together with all the literary 
matter left in a sufficiently perfect state which he had accumulated 
at various times with the idea of giving a commentary to his great 
work the " Denkmaler," and a volume of supplementary plates 
which were net issued during his lifetime. These designs, however, 
are by another member of his expedition, Herr Max Weidenbach. 

At the Congress itself, Dr. Pleyte presented a new volume 
containing many Coptic texts in the museum at Leyden, and the 
same scholar read a paper upon a demotic papyrus, a palympsest, 
containing moral precepts. Photographs where shown of the whole 
of the document, which is lengthy and very well preserved. 

Dr. Krall also read a paper upon a demotic manuscript con- 
cerning Bacchoris, but the papyrus itself is of the age of Augustus. 

M. Chassinet described the " Ritual of the Vigil of Osiris," and 
M. Benedite showed photographs of a collection of Egyptian jewels 
recently acquired by the Louvre, among which, as pendants to a 
necklace, were some representations of Egyptian ships. 

It was inevitable that the Tel-el-Amarna tablets should come 
before the section, and the subject was introduced by M. Neteler, 

3°5 2 c 2 



Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

who discoursed upon the chronological synchronisms between the 
tablets and Babylonian and Assyrian records. M. Naville also said 
a few words in reference to the Stele found by Petrie, which con- 
tains a reference to the people of Israel. 

In the Assyrian section Dr. Hommel showed some of the plates 
for his forthcoming work on the pictorial origin of the cuneiform 
characters, a subject which it is well to remember was first introduced 
to science in this Society by Dr. Houghton. 

Father Scheil announced several new discoveries, notably a 
tablet presenting a variant version of the Deluge Story. "This 
tablet contains a similar text to that first published from Nineveh, but 
is very much older, and Professor Sayce assigns it to the time of 
Abraham." Also he had found the names of two new kings and 
a list of geographical names relating to the country of Sirpourla, one 
of these kings, Tukulti-bil-nisi Pere Scheil identifies with Kadasmar- 
Buryas. It may be mentioned here that upon the official visit to 
the Louvre, when the monuments were most lucidly explained by 
M. Heuzey, great interest was deservedly taken in the wonderful 
cone bearing an historical inscription of Entemena, a preliminary 
translation of which has been given by M. Thureau Dangin. It is 
a regulation of the frontiers of Sirpourla and Gishbau, is in 
extremely perfect preservation, and of highest historical importance, 
being of itself, together with various monuments previously known, 
sufficient to establish a history of the early Telloh kings. There 
are nearly 220 lines, and it is of great value for filling up lacuna; in 
the previously published Sirpourla texts. Eannadau, Entemena, a 
new monarch, Legul-shoug-gour, and a certain Messilem king of 
Kish appears among its annals. This monument was a private gift 
to the museum. The Louvre has also some exceedingly large 
tablets, presented by the Sultan, and, of course, the great inscribed 
silver vase of Entemena, and a mace head of Messilem's orna- 
mented with eight roaring lions. 

In the "Greco-Oriental section" M. J. Reinach again argued 
that the nude form of goddess of Greece was not derived from 
Ishtar or any Asiatic prototype, giving as a reason the finding of a 
nude female figure in a grotto of paleolithic age at Mentone,* whilst 

* If the forerunners of Greek iconography are to be found so far west and so 
back, reference might have been made to the very highly realistic female type 
found at Laugerie Basse (Joly, Man before Metals, p. 298), which, as far as I 
am aware, was not copied by the Aryan Greeks. 

306 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

in the Assyrian section Father Scheil mentioned a remarkable 
coincidence between Egyptian and Babylonian thought in a paper 
upon " Ishtar under the form of a cow," founded upon a repre- 
sentation of Ishtar as a cow suckling a calf.* 

The same scholar exhibited proofs of his forthcoming work upon 
his excavations at Sippara, which city he declines to identify with 
the Sepharvaim of the Bible, f His researches at Sippara, together 
Avith the work of United States' explorers at Niffer, and those of 
M. de Sarzec at Telloh, will present the most wonderful series of 
archaeological discoveries yet known, forming a fitting termination 
to these triumphs of the nineteenth century. 

Many papers in the Semitic section were offered by Drs. Glaser 
and Muller upon Arabian inscriptions, the results of whose studies 
will all ultimately find their way into the " Corpus Inscriptionem 
Semiticarum." One of these Sabean texts, which Dr. Glaser thought 
dates from about 500 B.C., is concerned with purifications necessi- 
tated by contamination with a corpse, and in cases of certain relations 
between the sexes ; and the expressions used are very similar to 
some in the Old Testament. Another text of very high antiquity 
related to the offerings or sacrifices due for sin committed. 

In this section great importance was assigned to the fragments 
of Ecclesiasticus discovered by Mrs. Lewis and Dr. Schechter. 
M. Halevy started a polemical discussion by showing that the 
language is somewhat similar to the Mischna, and therefore pre-sup- 
poses a much higher antiquity for some of the canonical books, such 
as the second part of Zechariah, than recent critics had contended. 

M. Chabot gave important evidence tending to carry back to a 
higher date the Arabic version of Tatian's " Diatessaron " ; his remarks 
originated in a letter from M. Cheiko of the University of Beyrout, 
who has found three pages of an Arabic version, evidently the same 
as that published by Ciasca, though with some variants. 

In this section M. Germer Durand presented the excellent 
album of photographic plates representing the marvellous Mosaic 
map of Palestine and the route of the Exodus, discovered by the 
Dominican Fathers of the St. Stephen Seminary at Jerusalem, at 
Madaba. This map is of the age of Diocletian, and represents the 
various cities of Palestine and the Delta in a most realistic manner. 

t Philo of Byblos, professing to quote Sanchoniathon, says Astarte (Ishtar) 
as a mark of sovereignty placed upon her head a bull's head, 
t Revue Biblique, vol. iv, 205. 

3°7 



EC. 7] 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. 



[1897. 



The geographer who directed its execution seems to have been 
familiar with the " Onomasticon de Locis Hebraicis " of Eusebius, 
and also with Herodotus.* It is mutilated, but still enough remains 
to make it an indispensable factor in all future attempts to present 




FACSIMILE OF THE MAT OF THE DELTA FROM THE MOSAIC MAP. 

a map of ancient Palestine. A curious incident in the map is that 
ALnon, where John baptised, is shown east of the Jordan, whilst 
Bethabara is on the west.f 



* Herodotus, ii, 17 : " As far as the city of Cercasorus the Nile flows in one 
stream, but from that point it is divided into three channels ; that running east- 
ward is called the Pelusiac mouth, another bending westward the Canopic mouth ; 
but the direct channel of the Nile is the following : descending, it comes to the' 
point of the Delta, after this it divides the Delta in the middle and discharges 
itself into the sea, supplying by this channel not by any means the least quantity 
ol water; this is called the Sebennytic mouth. There are also two other mouths 
diverging from the Sebennytic and flow into the sea, one the Sai'tic, the other the 
Mendesian mouth. The Bolbitinic and Bucolic mouths are not natural but 
artificial." 

t See Professor W. A. Stevens, in Journal of Biblical Literature and Exegesis, 
1S83, p. 129, and Edcrsheim, Jesus the Messiah, vol. i, p. 657. 

308 



Dec. 7] 



PROCEEDINGS. 



[i897. 



Of Egypt only the portion delineating the Delta is legible, and 
strange to say this gives the site of Chaeru,* the city whose true 
position was first pointed out from a Roman inscription by Mr. 
Griffith,! in our Society ; since my further note on the subject + Pere 
Sejourne has referred to two patristic allusions to this city. One in 
the Athanasian Chronicle of Verona, which mentions that Athanasius 




IDENTIFIED NAMES ON THE MOSAIC MAP. 

when driven from Alexandria by the Emperor Julian, " commoratus 
est circa There u ; " and in the Life of St. Anthony, where it speaks 
of Balakios, Duke of Egypt, setting forth from Alexandria with 
Nestorius, the prefect, to journey to Chaereu, el? ti]v 7rpwTrjv /uovijv 

A\e£av8peia$ rrjv Xcyofiei'tjv ILaipeov. 

With the kind consent of the Council, a small facsimile of 



* Marked on the map as HXAI 

t See F. LI. Griffith, Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVIII, p. 54. 

X J. Offord, Vol. XVIII, p. 106, John iii, 26. The disciples of John say to 
him at .liuon, " He that was with thee beyond Jordan," meaning, it would seem, 
that /Enon was to the west and Bethabara to the east. 

3°9 



Del 7] 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. 



[1S97. 



the part of the Mosaic map dealing with the Delta, is printed on 
page 30S, so that the three or four Greek names I have been unable 
to identify may be explained. 







. Jry <? 








SSStTBOITES ^T 








PtlUSlUM 




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zL- . Q~:- 


















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THE DELTA. 



There was a paper in the Assyrian section upon a new Vannic 
inscription from Armavir. Professor Sayce was present, and will 
doubtless incorporate it in his series of Vannic texts in the Pro- 
ceedings cf the Asiatic Society. 

I have purposely not alluded at any length to papers which 
were merely a resume of articles previously published, or of monu- 
ments already described in scientific journals, or described in the 
recently issued report of the Egypt Exploration Eund. 

Among the ancient manuscripts exhibited was the very old 
Sanscrit one found by M. Dutreuil du Rhins, who lost his life in 
the cause of science, and reference was made to other similar 
manuscripts which Professor Oldenbourg has at St. Petersburg, and 
there are several fragments in India. Further additions to these 
relics of still greater importance have been made by the Swedish 
traveller Sven Hedin, and also by Captain Godfrey at Kathgar, and 
there can be no doubt but that these discoveries are but the 
precursors of still better ones. 

Among the receptions there was one at the Musee Guimet, 
which is mentioned because of the fact that its collections have this 
year been augmented by the successful excavations in the Roman 
and Byzantine city of Antinee. The relics from this site are not 
yet displayed, but they will form the most complete collection of 

^10 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

costume and apparel of the early centuries of our era, together 
with accompanying speciment of jewellery and ornaments of all 
descriptions. 

The prevailing impression of the Congress appeared to be the 
fact of the immense amount of new material recently placed in the 
hands of Oriental archaeologists. 

The number of cuneiform tablets and texts not yet examined, 
much less deciphered, amounts to many thousands ; whilst hieratic, 
demotic, and Greek papyri are ever increasing in quantity ; from 
central Asia and Nepal manuscripts and inscribed monuments are 
now forthcoming, and there is no reason to doubt that, both in 
Egypt any Asia, there are far more treasures still buried than have 
hitherto been rescued. 




3'i 



Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S97. 



ASSYRIOLOGICAL NOTES. 
By Professor Dr. Fritz Hommel. 

§ 31. Of two of the best known Babylonian gods, >->~y "£-^1 IHff 
and >->^y -^^yf) the true Babylonian reading is not yet established 
in a manner which leaves no doubt at all. Only that the readings 
Adar (instead of Nin-dar or Nin-ib) and Vul or Bin (instead of 
Ramman or Bir or Dadda or Martu), are false, can be accepted 
with certainty. I am in a position to give the direct proof for the 
reading Rammanu of »-»~y -^>~yy. We find sometimes this god 
written as >->~y -^-Ty t^V\-> f.g., K. 24, 6, c-di-im mag >~«~y -^^y 
£-yy ; W.A.I. IV, 23, Nej, Col. 4, line 21 — \ ^\\ £cfl 
nugalla - zu - ku, etc. Meissner, Beitraege, No. 4, 6. Amil 
*~*^\ -<^^yy t^yy, No. 21, 25, 26 (the same person), generally 
transcribed Aniil-mir-ra (comp. -<^>-yy = im, mir, and the proper 
name Tukulti-me-ir, king of Khana). But the right reading is *~*~] 
Ram-ma-nu-ri-ih-su (Shurpu, ed. Zimmern, 8, 18), or Rammanu- 
rahisu (comp. Asurn. 3, 120 kima >->~y -^^yy ra-hi-si). For ££yY = 
rahdsu, comp. S 1 ' 180. 

§ 32. The name of the god >->~y ^-^] ]^JJ may be read iW«- 
dar or Nin-ib. The reading Nin-dar would be established by the 
writing Nin- J^fJ -re?, but in the few cases in which we find Nin- J^JJ 
-ra, we are not sure whether -ra is put for prolongation, or whether it 
is the Sumerian postposition. Now in a seal-impression of the time 
of Samsu-iluna, and published by Mr. Pinches, Collection of Sir 
Henry Peek, inscribed Babylonian Tablets, p. 61 and 66, we read : — 

«= <B (0^ ft?) If <*T* 
312 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

i.e., Nin-twn (or Nin-ib) sukal magh gish-kam e-par-par si-di-ne (or 
si-sd-d'i) sig azag su-ul, translated by Mr. Pinches il Nin-ip, messenger 
supreme, and hero of E-parparra, director, glorious brightness per- 
fecting" (= who is perfecting gl. brightness). Since Mr. Pinches 
gives no special note to his reading Nin-ip, he seems to hold it as 
self-evident that >-»~y Nin- >S^ is only another manner of writing 
for the common >->-| Nin- ^HfJ. We would so have a direct proof 
for the reading Nin-ib, for J^Q[ > s ib an d dar, whilst £Sj£ is ib and 
turn, ib being in both cases the identical value. Only if a god 
Nin-tum or Nin-tum-ma could exist, the comparison of Nin- J^JJ 
and Nin- Z^B would prove nothing, but such a god is not known 
at all. 

A second instance for a male solar deity, »>~y Nin- £^j£, I 
found some weeks ago in a proper name of a contract tablet of the 
time of Hammu-rabi, viz., Bu. 88-5-12, 210 (publ. by Meissner, 
Beit rage, No. 95). Here we find a certain *->-^ Nin- iZ^B-a-bi 
(comp. the names Samas-a-bi, No. in, and Marduk-a-bi No. 100). 
Meissner reads Bel-tain (?)-a-bi; but this is impossible (" the goddess 
Beltis is my father " being nonsense). 

On the other side, it is very puzzling to find a second male solar 
deity named *-»-y Nin- ^f-^y, the consort of the goddess »->~y >^J}<J 
(Ghanna, Guild), and therefore most probably Nirgal, the old substi- 
tute of Nin-ib (or Nin-darj. Perhaps the original pronunciation 
of this name was Nin-dar, because we meet in the inscriptions of 
Telloh and in other texts the dialectic variant Nin-sar as the name 
of the wife* of Nir-gal, Nin-gir-gu, though we find (by the mistake 
of a later compiler), in the list, W.A.I. V, 43, »-»-y Nin- *^\-^[ -net, 
i.e., Nin-gunna ; compare too *—-^ Nin-dar-a in the Gudea In- 
scriptions (Nin-daya ? or Nin-sia for Nin-sayaf). In the trilingual 
list of gods, W.A.I. II, 59, we meet >->~y Nin- iz]]^ -a (Nin-dan-a, 
Nin-daya}) as the later pronunciation of *-»~y Nin- j^J, comp. 
my Sumerische Lesestuke, p. 35 and 47. 

Perhaps Mr. Pinches is in a position to give us, by a new text, 
the definitive solution of the original pronunciation of >->~y Nin- 

* In the same manner we find >->~y Nin- **~\-^\ -an-na and >->~y \ **~]-^] 
(eme-sal for >->~y Ni>i- ^f-^y as mascul., comp. W.A.I. II, 59) employed for 
the female planetary deity Istar ; see my book, Seniitische Volker und Sprachen, 
P- 38 f- 

313 



DEC. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1897. 

¥«-![, either as A T in-ib (comp. >->~y Nin- ZSjB) or as Nin-dar (comp. 
>->-y Nin- ^l-^f -a of the Tellon inscriptions). 

§ $5. In Vol. VI of these Proceedings Mr. Pinches gave a 
very interesting communication on the Babylonian name of the 
falcon, surdu (VI, 1884, p. 57-59). In a list, W.A.I. II, 37, 64, 
wo find sukhurdu (su-khur-du-u or su-mur-du-u) instead of surdu 
(syn. kasiisu), so that we must suppose sukhurdu became at first 
suvurdu, and finally surdu ; the original meaning seems to be " the 
bird of an unknown region Sukhurd or Sururd." 

Now we have in the Georgian language S/iaiardem (Svanclic 
Shaurden, Mingrelian shaordcni), "falcon"; other derivations are, 
Persian, shaken (out of shvarden, comp. Arm., mah, "death," from 
7narthra, Arm., shah = Kci>rov, Arm., Meh — Mithra, Lagarde's law), 

" falcon " on the one side and Turkish chakyr, Arabic tzakr ( JLa), 
middle Latin sacer, Slavonic, soke/, "falcon," on the other side. 
No doubt the original home of this interesting and noble bird was 
somewhere in Asia Minor ; if I am right, it is the bird either of 
Separad* or, if sukhurdu is the oldest form, of the Sagartians, a 
people southwards from the Caspian sea, the latter being, however, 
less probable than the former. 

>i 34. In Delitzsch's Handworterbuch we read, p. 393 : — 

madddu, "to love," S b 205, RAM (a-ka) = ma-da-du ; 
namaddu, "the beloved," Tigl., 4, 35; 7, 56, Assurn. 

J , 33> and P- 6 42; 
shudadu = rdiinu [i.e., "loving"], W.A.I. X, 28, 20. 

Now the sign RAM is, as I have shown in my Sumerische 
Lesest/icke, originally the picture of "measure," £""£"" (comp. S b 196 
and 197, gur, Heb. ~\2, and ninda, Semitic nam andu) with in- 
scribed ^6^^T (ram, lam, originally rag, lag, comp. ^I^^y = lam 
and £4^$S\ = ag, from lag). So we have S b 205, not madddu, 
" love," which does not exist at all, but madadu, " to measure." 
Namaddu (to be read nawaddu) and shudadu, however, are to be 
derived from wadadu, "to love" (comp. Arabic wadd, "love"), and 
are borrowed from Arabic in the time of the Arabic dynasty of 
Hammurabi ; for the possibility of such borrowing at that time, see 
the 3rd and 4th chapters of my book, Ancient Hebrew Tradition. 

1 Sank-s, too, was originally Saparda ; but our Separad must have been 
situated in Kappadocia or Ponlus, and so probably the Biblical Sepharad. 

3M 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

§ 35. The well-known expression akhulapi '= adi matl (written 
a-hu-la-pi and a-hu-lab, Delitzsch's Haiidw., p. 43) is to be 
transcribed ahuldwi, ahulaw, and so the proper noun A-hu-law-ia, 
not only for the sake of ^7nN , ^ SllN , but because the word a-hu- 
/a-a, "beyond" (lit., "on yon side") is identical with it. As the 
Arabic ,j dhu, pi. 1\ ulu is both "yon" and "which" (demonst. 
and relat), so the ula (comp. z$\ and c )\, ula, V and ula, plural 

of \j, d/id) in the Babylonian akhulawa, akhul&i is both demonstr. 
(ahulai, " beyond ") and relative (ahuldwi = adi mati, " how long 
then, how long still ? "). Comp., too, amclu ki-i-pi sa a-hu-ul-la-a, 
Strassm., Neb., 109, 22 (Peiser, K.B., IV, p. 188). Even in the 
period of Hammurabi we find names like A- hu-la-ab- Santas 
(Meissner, No. ii), which we must speak Akhulaw-Samas. 

In similar manner, the names Sin-sipi-di, Samas-si-pi-di-im 
(Meissner, No. 3 and 32, time of Apil-Sin and Sin-muballit) are 
to be read Sin-ziyadi and Samas-ziyddim ; comp. Arab, j\jt ; , Ziydd, 

originally Zi'dd (_M;, |&{nX) °f tne Sabaean inscriptions, whilst 

iAj: Ztf/^, is jj-, &|jX- So t0 °' m t ^ ie names w i tn -pi-kar, 
e.g., A-bupi-kar, A-bu-um-pi-kar (not A-bn-um-pi-am, as Mr. Pinches 
has shown some time ago), we have to read -wakar ("^). 

§ 36. The Babylonian um&mu, " beast," stands for ubhdmit, 

huhdmu; comp. UtoHSL, <Uj^j bahhnat ; comp. «&?««, "finger," 
with L.^ ibhdiu, Hebrew ]rQ. 

§ 37. In Delitzsch's Handw., p. 548, a pishannu of a temple 
and the work {dullu) of a pishannu is mentioned. It is the same 
word as epishannu, p. 119, ''workman," and from my friend Prof. 
Hilprecht I learn a third variant, viz., epishnu, Camb. 61, 4 : 
66, 7 ; 121, 6. 

§ 38. Babylonian ashlaku (comp. Delitzsch's H. IV., p. 145) 
seems to me to be compared with Arabic silk, plur. asldk, " thread," 
and so to mean the rope maker, cord maker. 



3i5 



Dec. 7] 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. 



[1897. 



The Anniversary Meeting of the Society will be held at 
37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, 
nth January, 1898, at 8 p.m., when the usual business will 
be transacted. 

The Rev. C. J. Ball will read a paper, entitled : " Puzzles in 
Picture Writing." 




316 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 



THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE 
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY. 



Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting them to the 

Society. 

Ai.kek, E. , Die Chronologie der Blicher der Konige and Paralipomenon im 
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder. 

Amelixeau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac. 

Contes de l'Egypte Chretienne. 

— — — — - La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere. 

Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu. 

A., AND L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes 

et Assyriennes. 

Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts. 

Baethgen, Beitr'age zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und 
die Gotter der Heiden. 

Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest. 

Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847- 1850. 

Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler.. Vols. 
I— III (Brugsch). 

Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies par 

H. Brugsch et J. Dumichen. (4 vols., and the text by Diimichen 
of vols. 3 and 4. ) 

Budinger, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum 
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis. 

Burckhardt, Eastern Travels. 

Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen. 

CHABAS, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873. 

Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867. 

2nd series, 1869. 

Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886. 

Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio. 



Ebers G., Papyrus Ebers. 

ErMAN, Papyrus Westcar. 

Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880. 

Gayet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre. 

Golentscheff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877. 

■ Vingt-quatre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection dc. 

Grant-Bey, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerted 

on the Religions that came in contact with it. 
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze. 
Hommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892. 



Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S97. 

Tastrow, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra " Epic. 

Iensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier. 

Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's, GeschiclUliclie Skizze mit beson- 

derer Beriicksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen. 
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde. 
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative 

Semitic Philology. 
Krebs, F., De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio. 
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum 

Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichtigung der Resultate 

der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie. 
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. 
Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2" ie partie. "Osiris." 

Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre. 
Lehmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173. 

47 plates. 
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 1S80. 
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia. 
Muller, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien. 
Noordtzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out- 

dekkingen. 
Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa. 
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy. 
Robiou, Croyances de 1'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides. 

Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur la chronologie des Lagides. 

Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage. 

Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee. 

Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi. 

Schouw, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris. 

Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache. 

Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptische Gotterglaube. 

Virey, P., Quelques Observations sur l'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d'un 

Monument Egyptien. 
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891. 
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue 

biblique. Lausanne, 1890. 
Wilcken, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben. 
Wiltzke, Der Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra. 
Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II. 

Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament. 

Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zvveiter Art. 

Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum. 

Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1S66 to 

1878. 
ZlMMERN, II., Die Assyriologie als Ilulfswissenschaft fiir das Studium des Alten 

Testaments. 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS. 



In 8 Parts. Price 5s. each. The Fourth Part having been issued, the Price is 
now Raised to £$ for the 8 Parts. Parts cannot be sold separately. 

The Egyptian Book of the Dead. 

Complete Translation, Commentary, and Notes. 
By the late SIR P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Knt. {President); 

CONTAINING ALSO 

& Series of Pates of tfje Vignettes of tftc bifferent adapters. 

The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates from 

Balawat. 

[Shalmaneser II, b.c. 859-825.] 



Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers. 

In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus the price for 
each part is now raised to £1 10s. ; to Members of the Society (the original 
price) ^iu. 

Price 7s. 6d. Only a Limited Number of Copies have been Printed. 

THE PALESTINIAN SYRIAC VERSION OF THE HOLY 

SCRIPTURES. 

Four Recently Discovered Portions (together with verses from the 
Psalms and the Gospel of St. Luke). Edited, in Photographic Facsimile, 
from a Unique MS. in the British Museum, with a Transcription, Transla- 
tion, Introduction, Vocabulary, and Notes, by 

REV. G. MARGOLIOUTH, M.A., 

Assistant in the Department of Oriental Printed Books and MSS. in the British 
Museum ; formerly Tyrwhitt Hebrew Scholar. 



Subscribers' names to be Addressed to the Secretary. 



Society of Biblical Archeology. 



COUNCIL, 1897. 



President. 
Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Vice-Presidents, 

The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York. 

The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c, &c. 

The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney. 

The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury. 

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c. 

Arthur Cates. 

F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c. 

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c. 

Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A. 

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 



Council. 



Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A. 

Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D. 

Thomas Christy, F.L.S. 

Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F. R.S. 

Charles Harrison, F.S.A. 

Gray Hill. 

Prof. T. Hay rER Lewis, F.S.A. 



Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c. 
Rev. James Marshall, M.A. 
Claude G. Montefiore. 
Prof. E. Naville. 
J. Pollard. 

Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., F.R.S., 
&c. 



Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet. 

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Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A. 

Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S. 



HARRISON AND SON'S, I'RINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY, ST. MARTINS LANE. 



VOL. XIX. Appendix. 

PROCEEDINGS 

OF 

THE SOCIETY 

OF 

BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. 



VOL. XIX. TWENTY-SEVENTH SESSION. 



APPENDIX. 



-<*$$- 



CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Portrait of the late Sir P. Le Page Renouf 271 

Plate. — Gyiil Tepe Text 286 

Plate. — Tablet from Kaisariyeh (obverse) 289 

,, ,, ,, ,, (reverse) 289 

W. H. Rylands {Secretary). — Chronological List of Publications 

of the late Sir P. Le Page Renouf 3 1 7-341 



PUBLISHED AT 

THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY, 

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18 98. 



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6 









, XV, 


Parts i to 7, 


1892-93 


2 


,. 


, 






2 


6 






, XV, 


Part 8, 


1892-93 


5 


,, 


, 


, 




6 









, XVI, 


Parts I to io, 


1893-94 


2 


,, 


, 


, 




2 


6 






, XVII, 


Parts I to 8 


1895 


2 


, 


, 


, 




2 


6 






, XVIII, 


Parts I to 8 


1896 


2 


, 


, 


, 




2 


6 






, XIX, 


Parts I to 8 


1897 


2 


, 


, 


, 




2 


6 






, XX, 


In progress 


1898 


2 


„ 


' 


- 




2 


6 





A few complete sets of the Transactions and Proceedings still remain for 
sale, which may be obtained on application to the Secretary, W. H. Ryi.ands, 
F.S.A., 37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 



APPENDIX. 



CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF PUBLICATIONS OF 
THE LATE SIR P. LE PAGE RENOUF. 



[In the compilation of the following list I have had the kind 
assistance of Lady Renouf the Rev. Francis T. Lloyd of Oscoit 
College, Mr. F. Wetherell, formerly editor of the Chronicle and the 
North British Review, The Very Rev. Canon Moyes {Dublin Review) 
and others, to whom L would offer my thanks. A copy of the Home 
a I Foreign Review, with the author's names added by Lord Acton, 
A. as very kindly examined by Dr. L. Brentano. — W. H. Rylands.] 



The Doctrine of the Catholic Church in England on the Holy 
Eucharist, illustrated by extracts from her great Divines. 
With an Appendix on various other points of Faith and 
Practice. 64 pp. Svo. Oxford, Parker. 18 41. 

1843. 

Carlyle's Past and Present. Dublin Review, Vol. XV, No. 29, 
Art. IX. August, 1843. 

The Character of the Rev. W. Palmer, M.A., of Worcester College, 
as a controversialist, particularly in reference to his charge 
against the Right Rev. Dr. Wiseman, of quoting as genuine 
works of the Fathers, spurious and heretical productions : 
considered in a letter to a friend at Oxford, by a late 
Member of the University. 76 pp. Svo. London, Dolman. 
1843. 

1844. 

Veneration of Saints in the Early Church. Dublin Review, Vol. 
XVI, No. 32, Art. II. June, 1844 
vol. xix.] 317 2 D 



Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

Appendix to Art. II. lb., Art. XII. 

Scriptural Difficulties of Geology. Dublin Review, Vol. XVI, 
No. 32. Art. III. June, 1S44. 

Papal Supremacy anterior to the division of East and West. Dublin 
Review, Vol. XVII, No. 34, Art. VII. Dec, 1844. 

Church and Empire in the Thirteenth Century. Dublin Review, 
Vol. XVII, No. 34, Art. VIII. 1844. 



iS 4 5- 

Difficulties of the Ante-Nicene Fathers. Dublin Review, Vol. 
XVIII, No. 36, Art. Ill, 39 pp. Svo. June, 1845. 

1847. 

The Greek and Anglican Communities. A Letter respectfully 
addressed to the Rev. T. Allies, Rector of Launton, by 
P. le Page Renouf, late of Pembroke College, Oxford [dated 
9.12.46]. Published by James Tovey. 38 pp. Svo. 
London, 1847. 

1859. 

Seyffarth and Uhleman on Egyptian Hieroglyphs. Atlantis, Vol. II. 

No. 3, January, pp. 74-98. Svo. (Plate.) Re-issued, 

i860. 
Hieroglyphic Studies. No. I. Atlantis, Vol. II, No. 4, July 

pp. 333-373. (Plate.) [See 1862.] 

i860. 

Traduction d'un chapitre du Rituel Funeraire des Anciens Egyptiens. 
Lettre adressee a, M. le Professeur Merkel (Bibliothecaire 
Royale a Aschaffenbourg). Avec 2 planches. Aschaffenbourg, 
1S60. pp. 1 -1 6 (lithographed). Svo. 

1S61. 

Saint Worship and Monotheistic Religion. Dublin Review, Vol. L. 
No. 100, Art. I. August, 1861. 
318 



Dec, 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

1862. 

Note on some Negative Particles of the Egyptian Language. 8vo. 
London, 1862. Letter to Wycliff Goodwin, Esq. (lithog.). 

The Early Epochs of Authentic Chronology. Home and Foreign 
Review. Vol. I, p. 420. Oct. 1862. 

Hieroglyphic Studies. No. II. Atlantis, Vol. Ill, No. 5, pp. 127- 
156. (Plates.) 

Hieroglyphic Studies. No. III. A Prayer from the Egyptian Ritual. 
Translated from the hieroglyphic text by P. Le Page Renouf. 
Atlantis, Vol. Ill, pp. 423-41. 

Dr. Seyffarth and the Atlantis on Egyptology. Atlantis, Vol III. 
No. 6, pp. 306-38. 

1863. 

Sir G. C. Lewis on the Decipherment and Interpretation of Dead 
Languages. From the Atlantis, Vol. IV, pp. 23-57. Svo. 
London, 1S63. 

A few words on the supposed Latin origin of the i\.rabic Version of 
the Gospels. Reprinted from the Atlantis, Vol. IV, pp. 241- 
259. 8vo. London, 1863. 

Notice on an Unpublished Translation of the Pentateuch. By 
Father Richard Simon. Atlantis, Vol. IV, pp. 259-68. 

Notices in " Contemporary Literature " : — 

The Home and Foreign Review, Vol. II, January 1863. 

2. Ueber den aeltesten Zeitraum der indischen Geschichte 

mit Ruecksicht auf die Litteratur. Ueber Buddha's 
Todesjahr u. einige andere Zeitpunkte in der aelteren 
Geschichte Indien's. 2 Abhandlungen v. N. L. Wester- 
gaard, ordentl. Prof, der oriental. Sprachen an der Univ. 
Kopenhagen. Aus dem Daenischen uebersetzt. 

3. Indische Studien : Beitraege fuer die Kunde des indischen 

Altherthum's. Im Vereine mit mehreren Gelehrten 
herausgegeben v. Dr. Albrecht Weber. 5ter Band, 
2tes. u. 3tes Heft. 

319 2 d 2 



Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S97. 

4. Five Jatakas : Containing a Fairy Tale, a Comical Story, and 

Three Fables. In the original Pali text, accompanied 
by Translation and Notes. By V. Fausboell. 

5. E. de Rouge : Rituel funeraire des anciens Egyptiens. 

Texte complet en ecriture hieratique, publie d'apres le 
Papyrus du Louvre. Liv. 1 et 2. 

6. Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, dessines sur les lieux et 

publies sous les auspices de S. A. le Viceroi d'Egypte, 
par le Dr. Henri Brugsch. Vol. I. 

7. Ed. Roeth : Geschichte unserer abendlaendischen Philo- 

sophic Entwickelungs- geschichte unserer spekulativen 
sowohl philosophischen als religioesen Ideen v. ihren 
ersten Anfaengen bis auf die Gegemvart. 2 Bde. 

8. V. der mannigfachen Bedeutung des Seienden nach 

Aristoteles v. Franz Brentano. 

15. Constitutiones Apostolorum. P. A. de Lagarde edidit. 

16. Theophili Episcopi Antiocheni ad Autolycum libri tres. 

Ad optimos libros Mss. recensuit etc. Joan. Carol. 
Theol. Otto. Accedunt Theophili qui feruntur Commen- 
tarii in 4 Evangelia, nunc primum castigiatores. 

18. Mani, seine Lehre und seine Schriften. Herausgegeben v, 

G. Fluegel. 

19. Macoudi : les Prairies d'Or. Texte et traduction par 

C. Barbier de Meynard et Pavet de Courteille. Tome I. 

20. A Grammar of the Arabic Language. Translated from the 

German of Caspari, and edited, with numerous additions 
and corrections, by W. Wright. Vol. II. 

21. Temudschin der Unerschuetterliche. Nebst einer geogra- 

phisch- ethnographischen Einleitung und den erforder- 
lichen besondern Anmerkungen und Beilagen. Von 
Prof. Dr. F. v. Erdmann. 

31. Anecdota Adriani Sexti, Pont. Max. quae partim ex codice 
ipsius autographo, partim ex apographis edidit, etc. E. H. 
J. Reusens. 
Home and Foreign Review, April, 1863. 

4. Rudimenta Linguae Hebraicae. Dr. C. H. Vosen. Editio 
altera. 

320 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1^97. 

5. Elements of Comparative Philology. By R. G. Latham. 

6. Essai sur le Veda, ou etudes sur les Religions, la Litterature, 

et la Condition sociale de 1'Inde, depuis les temps 
primitifs jusqu'aux temps Brahmaniques ; ouvrage pou- 
vant servir d'introduction a l'etude des Litteratures 
occidentales. Par Emile Burnouf. 

7. Expedition scientifique en Mesopotamie, executee par ordre 

de Gouvernement de 1851 a. 1854, par MM. Fulgence 
Fresnel, Felix Thomas, et Jules Oppert ; publiee sous 
les auspices de S.E.M. le Ministre d'Etat, par Jules 
Oppert. Tome I, Relation du Voyage et Resultats 
de l'Expedition. 

S. Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens ; par le Dr. Henri 
Brugsch. 2ieme partie. Planches LI-CVII. 

1 2. Geschichte der Entwickelung der grieschischen Philosophic, 

und ihrer Nackwirkungen im roemischen Reiche. Von 
C. A. Brandis. Erste groessere haelfte. 

13. Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophic der vorchristli- 

chen Zeit. Von Dr. F. Ueberweg. 

14. VII. Buecher zur Geschichte des Platonismus. H. v. Stein. 

18. Eusebii Pamphili Episcopi Caesariensis Onomasticon 

Urbium et Locorum sacrae Scripturae. Graece cum 
Latina Hieronymi interpretatione ediderunt F. Larson 
et G. Parthey. Accedit Tabula Geographica. 

19. Dogmengeschichte der vornicaenischen Zeit. Von Dr. Jos. 

Schwane. 

21. Geschichte des Abbasiden Chalifats in Egypten. Von Dr. 

G. Weil. 

22. Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque 

Imperiale et autres Bibliotheques. Tome 19, premiere 
partie. 

23. Ibn-el-Athiri Chronicon quod perfectissimum inscribitur. 

Vol. octavum, annos H. 295-269 continens ; ad codices 
Parisinos et Upsalienses edidit C. J. Tornberg. 
Publico sumptu. 

321 



Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S97. 

Volume III, July, 1S63. 

1. An Introduction to the Old Testament; critical, historical, 

and theological, containing a Discussion of the most im- 
portant Questions belonging to the several books. By 
S. Davidson, D.D., of the University of Halle, and 
LL.D. 

2. The History of the Jews from the earliest period down to 

modern times. By H. H. Milman, D.D., Dean of St. 
Paul's. 3 vols. (Third edition.) 

3. The Pentateuch and Book of Joshua critically examined. 

By the Rev. J. W. Colenso, D.D., Bishop of Natal. 
Part 3. 

4. Notes by the Bishop of Natal on an examination of Part 1 

of his work on the Pentateuch by the Rev. Dr. M'Caul, 
Professor of Hebrew, and Testament Exegesis, King's 
College, London. 

6. Novum Testamentum Graece. Ad fides Codicis Vatican i 

recensuit Ph. Buttmann. 

7. Novum Testamentum Sinaiticum sive N. T., cum Epistula 

Barnabae et Fragmentis Pastoris, ex codice Sinaitico, 
auspiciis Alexandrii II omnium Russiarum Imperatoris 
ex tenebris protracto descripsit Aenotheus Fridericus 
Constantinus Tischendorf. 

5. Kirchengeschichte des icjten Jahrhundert's. V. Dr. F. C. 

Baur. Herausgegeben v. E. Zeller. 

9. The Tuebingen School and its antecedents. R. W. 
Mackay. 

10. Histoire gen^rale et Systeme compare des Langues 

Semitiques. E. Renan. Premiere Partie : "Histoire 
gtinerale des Langues Semitiques." 3me edit. 

11. Croyances et Legendes de l'Antiquite. Essais de Critique 

appliquee a quelques points d'Histoire et de Mythologie. 
Par L. F. A. Maury. 

13. Essays and Lectures chiefly on the Religion of the Hindus. 
By the late H. H. Wilson. Collected and edited by 
Dr. R Rost. In 2 vols. Vol. II. 
322 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

14. Original Sanskrit Texts on the Origin and History of the 

People of India, their Religion and Institutions. Col- 
lected, translated into English, and illustrated by 
Remarks by J. Muir. Part IV. 

15. La Medecine chez les Chinois. P. Dabry. 

17. Recherches sur le nom egyptien de Thebes, avec quelques 

Observations sur l'Alphabet semitico-egyptien et sur les 
singularites orthographiques. Par F. Chabas. 

18. A compendious Grammar of the Egyptian Language as 

contained in the Coptic, Sahidic, and Bashmuric 
Dialects ; together with Alphabets and Numerals in the 
Hieroglyphic and Enchorial Characters. Rev. H. 
Tattam. 

19. Lexicon Linguae Aethiopicae. C. F. A. Dillmann. 

20. An Arabic-English Lexicon. By E. W. Lane. Book L 

Part 1. 

21. The Gulistan of Shaikh S'adi of Sh'iraz. New edit., with a 

Vocabulary. By F. Johnson. 

22. Anecdota Syriaca. J. P. N. Land. 

Vol. Ill, October, 1863. 

2. Anmerkungen zur Griechischen Uebersetzung der Prover- 

bien. P. de Lagarde. 

3. The Holy Gospels translated from the original Greek. 

With notes and critical appendix. By G. W. Brameld. 

4. Les Evangiles. Par G. d'Eichthal. Premiere partie. 

" Examen critique et comparatif des Trois premiers 
Evangiles." Tomes I et II. 

5. Histoire du Canon des Ecritures Saintes dans l'Eglise 

Chretienne. Par E. Reuss. 

6. Vie de Jesus. Par E. Renan. 

8. Die Weissagungen des Alten Testaments in den Schriften 
des F. Josephus und das angebl. Zeugniss von Christo. 
Dr. E Gerlach. 

13. Wissenschaftliche Richtungen auf dem Gebiet des Katho- 
licismus in neuester u. in gegenwaertiger Zeit. Dr. A. 
Schmid. 

323 



Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

16. Das Orakel u. die Oase des Amnion. Von. G. Parthey. 

17. A/JKnore\oL'<i Treat ^wtav pffToptas /3i/3\ia , t0 ois icai Sexmov 

to voQov. 'EmficXcia Kat ciopOwaet X. S. FIikkoKou, "arpov, 

(Paris : Firmin Didot freres). 

52. L'Archipel des lies Normandes, Jersey. Guernsey, Auregny, 
Sark, et dependances. Institutions communales, judi- 
ciaires, feodales de ces iles : avec une carte pour servir 
a la partie geographique et hydrographique. Par 
Theodore Le Cerf. 



1864. 

University Education for English Catholics. A Letter addressed 
to the Very Rev. J. Newman, D.D., by a Catholic Layman, 
pp. 49. London, Burns and Lambert. 

Orientalism and Early Christianity. Home and Foreign Reviezv, 
Vol. Ill, p. 118. 

Notices in "Contemporary Literature" : — 

Home and For. Review. Vol. IV, January, pp. 248-271. 

1. Das Alter des Menschengeschlechts, die Entstehung der 

Arteri, und die Stellung des Menschen in der Natur. von 
M. J. Schleiden. 

2. Ueber das Gesetzbuch des Manu, von. Dr. Fr. Johaentgen. 

3. The Bhamini Vilasa of Pandita Jagannath. Edited by 

Pandit Yadu Nath Tarkaratna. 

4. Avesta : die heiligen Schriften der Parsen, von Dr. Friedrich 

Spiegel. 

5. Zoroastrische Studien, von Fr. Windischmann. 

6. Das Urspriinglische Zendalphabet, von Richard Lepsius. 

7. The Pharaoh of the Exodus, by D. W. Nash. 

8. Die Grabstele des Priesters Ptah'emwa, von Dr. S. 

Reinisch. 

9. On Two Egyptian Tablets of the Ptolemaic Period, by 

Samuel Birch, Esq., LL.D., F.S.A. {Archceologia, Vol. 
XXXIX). 

324 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

10. Ausfiihliches Lehrbuch der hebraischen Sprache des 

Alten Bundes, von Heinrich Ewald. 

11. Das Buch Judith als geschichtliche Urkunde vertheidigt und 

erklart, von O. Wolff. 

12. Die deuterocanonischen Stiicke des Buches Esther von D. 

T. Langen. 

13. Das vierte Ezrabuch, nach seinem Zeitalter, seinen Arabi- 

schen Uebersetzungen und einer neuen Wiederherstel- 
lung, von H. Ewald. 

14. Einleitung in das Neue Testament von Fr. Bleek. 

15. Patrum Apostolicorum Opera, .... Versione Latina passim 

correcta, prolegominis, indicibus instruxit Albertus 
Rud. Max. Dressel. Editio Altera. 

Review of Dr. Smith's Dictionary of the Bible. Home and For. 
Review, Vol. IV, pp. 623-666. 

Notices in " Contemporary Literature " : — 

Home and For. Review, Vol. IV, pp. 700-703, 705-707. 

1. Ueber die Quellen zum Leben des Confucius, namentlich 

seiner sog. Hausgesprache (Kia-iii). von Dr. John Heinr. 

Plath. 

2. Yu Kiao Li. Les Deux Cousines, Roman Chinois, 

par Stanislas Julien. 

3. Indische Sprueche : Sanskrit und Deutsch, von Otto 

Bohtlingk. 

4. Dei Tentativi fatti per spiegare le antiche Lingue Italiche 

e specialmente l'Etrusca. Pietro Risi. 

7. Biblical Essays, by Rev. John Kenrick, M.A., F.S.A. 

8. La Chaldee chretienne . . . par Adolphe d'Avril [probably]. 



1865. 

Miscellaneous Notes on Egyptian Philology. A Letter to S. 
Birch, Esq. (Additional Remarks). 8vo. London, 1865. 
{Lithographed). 

325 



Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

1S66. 
Miscellanea. No. I. Zeitschrift fir Aegyptische Sprache, pp. 
58-60. 1S66. [See also 1867, 1868, 1872, 1877.] 

(Variants found in monuments of Saitic origin, and 
corrections to Miscellaneous Notes.) 

1867. 
Miscellanea. No. II. Zeitschrift fur Aegyptische Sprache. 32,41, 

52. pp. No. III. 60, 65, 96. pp. [See also 1866, 1868. 

1872, 1S77.] (Values of various hieroglyphic signs.) 
Articles. An Hieroglyphic Dictionary and Egyptian Grammar [in 

Bunsen's Egypt's Place in Universal Histor)>\. The Chronicle, 

Aug. 24th, pp. 513-15, continued. 
Egyptian Grammar, Notice of Egypt's Place, etc., and De Rouge's 

Chrestomathie Egyptienne, Sep. 7th, pp. 562-65. 
Coptic Versions of the Bible. (Lagarde, Der Pentateuch Koptisch.) 

The Chronicle, Dec. 14th, fol., pp. 897-98. 
Notice of Westropp's Handbook of Archaeology. The Chronicle, 

p. 114. fol. London. April 27th, 1867. 

Notice of Hyalc Nin-Is'shiu, p. 163. The Chronicle. May nth, 

1867. 
Notice of Miss Freer's the Regency of Anne of Austria, Regent of 

France, mother of Louis XIV. The Chronicle, p. 259. 

June 8th. 
Notice, C. Piazzi Smyth's Life and Works at the Great Pyramid. 

The Chronicle, p. 330, June 29th, 1867. 
Notice of Brugsch, Hieroglyphich-Demotisches Worterburch, I, II, 

III, IV, V. 7 he Chronicle, pp. 667-68. Oct. 5th. 

Notice. A. H. Layard's Nineveh and its Remains, and Nineveh and 

Babylon. The Chronicle, p. 882. Dec. 7th. 
Notice. Chronique de Abou-Djafar Mohammed-Ben-Djarir-Ben 

Yezid Tabari. The Chronicle, p. 905. Dec. 14th. 
Notice. F. G. Eichoff, Grammaire Generale Indo-Europeenne. 

The Chronicle, p. 929. Dec. 21st. 
Notice. Hebreu Primitif, par Ad. Lethierry-Barrois. The Chro?iicle, 

p. 953. Dec. 28th. 

1868. 
The Condemnation of Pope Honorius, by P. le Page Renouf, 
'Ovivpiw aipejiicw avade/ia. Longmans, Green, and Co., 46 pp. 
326 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

8vo. London, 1868. It was translated into Dutch, with an 
Introduction, by J. A. van Beek. Svo. Dordrecht, 1869. 

(See Bottalla (P.), Pope Honorius before the Tribunal of Reason and 
History. Svo. 1868. (A reply to Renoufs "The Condemna- 
tion of Pope Honorius.") (See Beek (J. A. van), Beschou- 
wingen over de Pauselijke Onfeilbaarheid, etc. (A reply to- 
Renoufs " The Condemnation of Pope Honorius." 8vo. 1869). 

Astronomical Observations in the fifteenth century before Christ 

(Calendar at Biban-el-Moluk). The Chronicle, pp. 81-84. 

Folio. January 25, 1868. 
Notice. Ludwig Schulze ; Vom Menschensohn und vom Logos. 

TJie Chronicle, pp. 113, 114. February 1. 
Notice. W. Wattenbach, Anleitung zur griechischen Palaeographie. 

The Chronicle, p. 163. February 15. 
Miscellanea, Part III, continued: — 

Zeitschrift filr Aegyptische Sprache, p. 7. 1868. (See also 

1866, 1S67, 1871, 1872, 1877.) 
Part IV, pp. 45-4S. 

1869. 
The Case of Pope Honorius reconsidered, with reference to recent 
apologies. Nihil est pium nisi quod idem verum est. By P. 
Le Page Renouf. pp. 100. Svo. London, Longmans, 
1S69. 
Notices in " Contemporary Literature " : — 

North British Review. No. 101. October. 

Chrestomathie Egyptienne. De Rouge. 

Traduction comparee des Hymnes au Soleil, etc. Lefebure. 

Hymne au Nil, publie et traduit par Maspero. 
St. Paul, par Ernest Renan. 

1870. 
Notices in "Contemporary Literature'': — 

North British Review. No. 102. January. 

Resultate der 186S nach Aegypten entsendeten Archaologish- 

photographischen Expedition. Diimichen. 
Paulus der Apostel der Heiden : Krenkel [most probable]. 
Dir Gliederung des Buches Isaias als Grundlage seiner Erkla- 
rung, etc. Neteler. 

327 



Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 

The Homilies of Aphraates, the Persian Sage. Wright. 

Synesius von Cyrene. Volkmann. 

Macoudi : Les Prairies d'Or. Barbier de Meynard. 

Histoire de Calife le Pecheur, etc. Clermont -Ganneau. 

Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft und orientalischen Philologie 
in Deutschland. Benfey. No. 103. April. 

Le Calendrier des Jours fastes et nefastes de l'annee Egyptienne. 

Chabas. 
Eine vor 3000 Jahren abgefasste Getreiderechnung. Diimichen. 

Buddhaghosha's Parables. Rogers. 

Geschichte des Volkes Israel, etc. Hitzig. 

Canones S. Hippolyti, etc. Haneberg. 

Chronologie der romischen Bischofe, etc. Lipsius. 

Beitrage zur Geschichte der Chemie. Kopp. [Probable.] 

Le Diwan de Nabiga Dhobyani. Derenbourg. [Most pro- 
bable.] North British Review, No. 103. April. 

The Writings of Methodius, etc. Ante-Nicene Library. North 
British Reviezv, No. 104. July. 

Liber Diurnus, etc. De Roziere. [Probable]. North British 
Revieiv, No. 105. October. 



1871. 

On several Hieroglyphic Words. Letter addressed to M. Chabas. 
Zeitschrift filr Acgyptisclie Sprache. pp. 129-37. 1S71. 

Notice in " Contemporary Literature " : — 

The Decree of Canopus, Sharpe. North British Review, 
No. 106. January. 

1S72. 

On the sign Y^y, , and the words in which it occurs. Zeitschrift fir 
Aegyptische Sprache, pp. 91-96. 1872. 

Assimilation of Letter. Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache, p. 25. 
[Referring to Letter addressed to M. Chabas. lb., 1871.] 
328 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Miscellanea, No. V. Zeitsclirift fiir Aegyptische Sprache, pp. 72-79. 
(See also 1866, 67, 68, 7r, 77.) 

Notice. The Traditions of the Syriac Church of Antioch, 
concerning the Primacy of the Prerogatives of St. Peter and 
his Successor the Roman Pontiff, by the Most Rev. Cyril 
Behman Buni Syrac, Archbishop of Mosul, translated under 
the Author's direction, by the Rev. Joseph Gaghardi. 
Acade?ny, Vol. Ill, No. 61. December. 

1873- 

On the Metal f^rp-jo 5 Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache, pp. 119 

23. 1873. 

Note on the Medical Papyrus of Berlin. P. le Page Renouf. 
Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache, p. 123. 1873. 

Note on Egyptian Prepositions. P. Le Page Renouf. Trans. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. II, part 2, pp. 301-20. 8vo. London, 
1873. 

Notes to a paper called the Serpent Myths of Ancient Egypt, by W. 
R. Cooper. Transactions of the Victoria Institute, Vol. VI, 
pt. 24. With illustrations. (Privately printed), pp. 86. 8vo. 
London, 1873. 

1874. 

Notes on Egyptian Prepositions. P. Le Page Renouf. Reprinted 
from the Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. II, pp. 301-320. 
8vo. London, 1873. 

The Royal Tombs of Biban-el-Moluk and " enigmatical " writing. 
P. Le Page Renouf. Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache, pp. 
101-105. 1874. 

Tale of the Two Brothers (Translation). P. Le Page Renouf. 
Records of the Past, Vol. II, pp. 131-52. 1874. 

Calendar of Astronomical Observations found in Royal Tombs of 
the XXth dynasty. P. Le Page Renouf. (Woodcuts.) 
Reprinted from the Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. Ill, 
pp. 400-21. 1874. 

329 



Dice. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 

List of further Egyptian Texts for further Translation (tentative 
list only). Records of the Past, Vol. II, pp. 170-73. 1874. 
(Repeated, Vol. IV, 1875, pp. 154-57, and other volumes.) 

Motes on the Medical Papyrus of Berlin. Zeitschrift fur Aeg)ptische 
Sprache, p. 123. 

i875- 
Tale of Setnau. (Ancient Egyptian). Translation. P. Le Page 
Renouf. Records of the Past, Vol. IV, pp. 129-48. 

An Elementary Grammar of the Ancient Egyptian Language, in the 
Hieroglyphic Type. P. Le Page Renouf. 4to. pp. iv, 66. 
London, 1875. (Archaic Classics, Bagster.) 

Second edition, 1890; Third edition, 1893. 

An Elementary Manual of the Egyptian Language ; with an Inter- 
lineary Reading Book in the Hieroglyphic Character. In 
two Parts. Part I, Grammar. Part II, Reading Book. 
(with Exercise Sheets.) 4to. London, Bagster, 1875. 
[The Second Part was never published.] 

Review of Records of the Past. Vol. II, Egyptian Texts. Academy, 
No. 140. January, 1875. 

Correspondence of our oldest MS., and who mutilated it. Academy, 
No. 142. January 23rd. [Reply of T. ffoulkes, see 
No. 143.] 

Second Article on our oldest MS. [Reply to T. ffoulkes.] [Reply 
of T. ffoulkes.] Academy, No. 144. February. 

1876. 

Inscription of Aahmes, son of Abana. P. Le Page Renouf. Records 
of the Past, Vol. VI, pp. 5-10. 1876. 

Abstract of Criminal Proceedings in a Case of Conspiracy in the 
time of Rameses III. Translated. Records of the Past, 
Vol. VIII, pp. 53-65. 1876. 

1S77. 

The Negative Particle v\ . Letter addressed to M. Naville. 

P. Le Page Renouf. Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache, 
pp. 91-97. 1S77. 

33° 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S97. 

Reply to M. Golenischeff, (1 , (I never a conjunction, but 

always preposition, like (1 ^\ \\ , (I 1\ 1 . P. Le Page 

Renouf. Zeitschrift fiir Aegxptische Sprache, pp. 1 06-11. 
1877. 

Miscellanea. No. VI. Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache. pp. 97- 
106. [See also 1S66, 1867, 1868, 1871, 1872.] 

The Royal Tombs of Biban el Mohul, and Enigmatical Writing. 
Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache, p. 1 o 1 . 

Review of the Doctrine of Addas the Apostle, by Dr. Phillips, 
President of Queen's College, Cambridge. Academy, No. 
244, January 6th, p. 13. 

Review. Der B-au des Tempels Salomos nach der Koptischen 
Bibelversion von Brugsch-Bey. Leipzig, 1876. Academy, 
No. 250. February 17th. 

1878. 

Lists of Further Texts, Assyrian and Egyptian. Selected by the 
late George Smith and P. le Page Renouf. Records of the 
Past, Vol. X, p. 165, 1878. 

The Pastophorus of the Vatican. P. Le Page Renouf. Records oj 

the Past, Vol. X, pp. 45-54. 1878. 
Review. Die Aethiopishe Uebersetzung des Physologus verdeutscht 

mit historischer Einleitung. Hommel. Academy, No. 313. 

April 27th. 

Review. Koptische Untersuchungen von Karl Abel, Berlin. 
Academy, No. 225. July 27th. 

See Abel (Carl). Zur agyplischen Kritik. A reply to a criticism by 
P. Le Page Renouf upon the " Koptische Untersuchungen " 01 
C. Abel, pp. 16. Svo. Berlin, 1878. 

1879. 

On the True Sense of an important Egyptian word (\J ha). Re- 
printed from the Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VI, pt. 2, pp. 
494-508. 1S79. Cf. Proc, Vol. I, pp. 26, 27. 1878. 

Note. The Belief in the Soul in Ancient Egypt. Maspero. 
Academy, No. 369. May 31st. 
33 1 



Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897 

1880. 

Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion, as illustrated by 
the Religion of Ancient Egypt. P. le Page Renouf. 
Delivered in May and June, 1879 (Hibbert Lectures, 1879), 
pp. x, 259. 8vo. London, 1880. 

Second edition, pp. xxvi, 259. Svo. London, 1S84. 

Letter. Nuk Pu Nuk. The Use of Obelisks as Lightning Con- 
ductors. Academy, No. 425. June 20th. 



The Meaning of the Word Hotep. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. 
Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. Ill, pp. 1 17-21. 

Inscription of Queen Hatasu, on the base of the Great Obelisk of 
Karnak. Records of the Past, Vol. XII, pp. 127-36. 

1882. 

On the Value of the Hieroglyphic Sign < "H ! , etc. P. le Page 

Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. V, 1882, pp. 13-18. 

Note on some Negative Particles of the Egyptian Language. P. Le 
Page Renouf. Lithographed. Svo. pp. 8. London, 1882. 

Brugsch's Interpretation of Pihahiroth. (Ex. xvi, 2.) P. Le Page 
Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. V, No. ^^, pp. 13-18. 

Vorlesungen liber Ursprung und Entwickelung der Religion der 
alten Aegypter. (Autorisirte Uebersetzung.) P. Le Page 
Renouf. Svo. pp. vii-248. Leipzig (Hinrichs), 1882. 

Wrong Values commonly assigned to Hieroglyphic Groups. Proc. 
Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. IV, pp. 60-68. 1882. 

Note on the 125th Chapter of the Book of the Dead. Proc. Sec. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. V, p. 6. 1882. 

An Egyptian Preposition. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. V, p. 135. 
1882. 

18S4. 
Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as illustrated by the 
Ancient Religion of Egypt .... Second Edition. P. le 
Page Renouf. pp. xxvi-259. Svo. London (Williams and 
Norgate), 1884. 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

The Egyptian Prepositions g\ and < W ^j\ @ . P. le Page Renouf. 

/V^. &r. Z?zW. ^nv%.j Vol. VI, pp. 93-95. 1884. (See 1890.) 

The Bow in the Egyptian Sky. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl 
Arch., Vol. VI, pp. 131, 132. 1884. 

Egyptian Mythology, particularly with reference to Mist and Cloud. 
P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. IV, pp. 75- 
76, 1882. Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VIII, pp. 198-29. 
[1882] 1884. 

The Negative Particle _n Proc. Soc. Bibl Arch., Vol. VI, 

pp. 95-101. 1884. 



The Egyptian God r \/> Jj. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. VI, pp. 187-89. 1884. 

The Horse in the Book of the Dead. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. 
Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VII, pp. 41, 42. 1884. 

Is the Hebrew word Cherub of Egyptian origin? P. le Page 
Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VI, pp. 189-93. 
1884. 

The Egyptian word for Battle, r\yy P- le Page Renouf. Proc. 

Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VI, pp. 229-31. 1884. (See 1885, 
1887, 1891.) 



1885. 

The Eclipse in Egyptian Texts . . . Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VII, 
pp. 163-70, etc. 8vo. London, 1885. 

The Title of the Book of the Dead. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. 
Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VII, pp. 210-13. 1885. 

Seb, the Great Cackler. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 
Vol. VII, pp. 152-54. 1885. 

The Egyptian Silurus Fish and its Functions in Hieroglyphics. The 
true phonetic value of the sign ha , ideograph of Strife 

and War, and its homophones. P. le Page Renouf. Proc, 
Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VII, pp. 100-108. 1885. (See 1884, 
1887, 1891.) 

333 2 e 



Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1897. 



Some Religious Texts of the Early Egyptian Period preserved in 
hieratic papyri in the British Museum. P. le Page Renouf. 
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VII, p. 6. 1884. 

The Myth of Osiris Unnefer. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. VIII, pp. 111-116. ; 7"ra?is. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 
Vol. IX, pp. 281-84. London [1886]. 1893. 

The Name (1) of the Ithyphallic Horus v_ ^", and (2) of the Helio- 
politan Nome I x_ . P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. VIII, pp. 246-53. 

The Name of the Blind Horus. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. VIII, pp. 155-57. 1886. 

The Name of the Winged Solar Disk on Egyptian Monuments. 
P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VIII, 
pp. 143, 144. 

Egyptian Texts of the Earliest Period from the coffin of Amamu in 
the British Museum, with a translation by the late S. Birch ; 
a prefatory note by P. le Page Renouf, and coloured illus- 
trations [by F. Compton Price], pp. 14. Folio. London, 
1886. 
[Published by order of the Trustees of the British Museum.] 

Assyrian Antiquities. Guide to the Nimroud Central Saloon of the 
British Museum, by P. le Page Renouf. pp. x, 128. 8vo. 
London, 1886. 
[Published by order of the Trustees of the British Museum.] 

The Egyptian god ^ | ^ <?" T Apuat. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. 

Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VIII, pp. 157-58. 1886. 

Remarks on the Two Bilingual Inscriptions, Phoenician and 
Cypriote, with translation of Cypriote text. P. le Page 
Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. IX, pp. 49-51. 1886. 

1887. 

Mueller (Max), of Nuremberg. The supposed Name of Judah in 
the list of Shoshenq, etc. Remarks by P. le Page Renouf. 
8vo. 1887. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. X, pp. 83-86. 
334 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

Inscription of Kum-el-Ahmar. Copied by Prof. Sayce. P. le Page 
Renouf. Proc. Soc. Blbl. Arch., Vol. X, pp. 73, 78, and 
132 ; Vol. XI, p. 76, 1889. London, 1887-89. 

The Name of the God Seb ... P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch. Vol. IX, pp. 83-97. 8vo. London, 1887. 
(See 1893.) 

Appendix on the Transcription of Egyptian Words. P. le Page 
Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. IX, pp. 95-97. 
18S7. 



Note on the Silurus fish Qy^ V\ <0<, aba, and the hieroglyphic 

sign of battle C\£\- P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. IX, pp. 313-17. 8vo. London, 1887. (See 
1884, 1885, and 1891.) 

Note on the Inscription of Amenophis III. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 
Vol. IX, p. 206. 1887. 

Conscience in Egyptian Texts [Funereal Scarabsei]. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. IX, pp. 207-10. 1887. 

1888. 

Is Tp3,N (Gen. xli, 43) Egyptian ? The thematic vowel in Egyptian. 

P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XI, 
pp. 5-10, 1888. 8vo. London. 

Two Vignettes from the Book of the Dead. P. le Page Renouf. 
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XI, pp. 26-28. 8vo. London, 
1888. 

Pronominal Forms in Egyptian. Three Letters, controverting the 
views of A. H. Sayce, in his Presidential Address to the 
Philological Society, 1888. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. X, pp. 247-64, 1888; Vol. XI, pp. 18-21, 
1888; Vol. XI, pp. 82-S3, 1S89. 8vo. London, 1888-89. 

Note on the values of the Sign £e). P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. X, pp. 571-78, etc., p. 8. 8vo. London, 
1888. (See 1884, 1890.) 

The Kenbetu and the Semitic South. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. 
Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. X, pp. 373-76. 8vo. London, 
1888. 

335 



Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARC1LEOLOGY. [1897. 

1889. 

Inscription at Kum-el-ahmar. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. X, pp. 73- 

78. Note, ib., 132. Errata, ib., XI, 76. 1889. 
A Coptic Transcription of an Arabic Text. P. le Page Renouf. 

Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XI, pp. 155-58. 8vo. London, 

1889. 
Egyptian Phonology. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc Bibl. Arch., 

Vol. XI, pp. 107-15. Svo. London, 1889. 
Parallels in Folk-Lore. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 

Vol. XI, pp. 177-89. Svo. London, 1889. 
Pronominal Forms in Egyptian. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XI, 

pp. 82-83. 1889. 
Remarks on Jacob-el and Joscph-el. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol 

XI, pp. 283-85. 1889. 

1890. 

The Priestly Character of the earliest Egyptian Civilization. P. le 

Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XII, pp. 355- 

62. 1890. 
Seb or Qeb : Sechet and Sechemet. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. 

Bibl. Arch., Vol. XII, pp. 363-67. 1S90. 
The Sun Stroke in Egyptian. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 

Arch., Vol. XII, pp. 460-61, 1890. Svo. London. 
The Name of Isis and Osiris. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 

Arch., Vol. XII, pp. 343-46. 1890. 
Neith of Sais. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. 

XII, pp. 347-52. 1890. Svo. London. 

The Book of the Dead. Facsimile of the Papyrus of Ani in the 
British Museum (in 37 plates). With an Introduction by P. 
le Page Renouf. pp. 19. Folio. London, 1890. 
[Published by order of the Trustees of the British Museum.] 

Nile Mythology. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. 

XIII, pp. 4-1 1. 1890. 

Note on the phonetic values of the Sign ®. P. le Page Renouf. 

Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIII, pp. 119-20. 1890. 

Remarks, ib., pp. 281-S2. 1891. (See 1SS4, 18SS.) 
Egyptian Grammar. 1st ed., 1S75. 2nd. ed., 1890. 3rd ed. 1893. 

336 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

1891. 

Note on the signs (I $ , c $ , Q-/^ , etc. P. le Page Renouf. 

Proc. Soc. BibL Arch., Vol. XIII, p. 316. 1891. (See 
1885, 1887.) 
The Tablet of the Seven Years' Famine. P. le Page Renouf. 
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIII, pp. 443-44. 1891. 

Who were the Libyans ? P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch , 
Vol. XIII, pp. 599-603. 1891. 



The Horus Standard and the Seat of Horus (J \s\ ^fe^, 

plague or fog. UgC <=> not the king of Upper Egypt, and 

not to be read bit or bat. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIV, pp. 17-25. 1891. (See 1892.) 

The Book of the Dead. Introductory, Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 
Vol. XIV, pp. 37-38. 1891. 

A Difficult Passage in the Pyramid Text of King Teta. P. le Page 
Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIV, pp. 1 08-11. 



An Ambassador Royal of Rameses the Great. P. le Page Renouf. 
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIV, pp. 163-65. 1892. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapter I. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 
Vol. XIV, pp. 213-22. 1892. 

The Regnal Years of the Egyptian Kings. The Egyptian Year. 

P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIV, 

pp. 264-65. 1892. 
The Book of the Dead. Chapters II to XIV. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 

Arch., Vol. XIV, pp. 270-79. 1892. 

The Egyptian Book of the Dead. Meanings of certain primitive 

words. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIV, 

PP- 349-5 1- lS 9 2 - 
The Book of the Dead. Chapters XV and XVI. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 

Arch., Vol. XIV, pp. 352-63. 1892. 
The Book of the Dead. Chapter XVII. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 

Vol. XIV, pp. 377-95. 1892. 

*? "» 1 



Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1897. 



A Second Note on the Royal Title 3R. P. le Page Renouf. 
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIV, pp. 396-402. T892. (See 
1891.) 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters XVIII to XX. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. XV, pp. 4-12. 1892. 

The Pharaoh of the Exodus. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. XV, pp. 60-62. 1892. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters XXI to XXV. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. XV, pp. 63-69. 1892. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters XXVI to XXXb. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. XV, pp. 98-107. 1893. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters XXXI to XXXVII. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. XV, pp. 155-63. 1893. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters XXXVIII to XLI. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. XV, pp. 219-28. 1893. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters XLII to LVI. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. XV, pp. 276-90. 1893. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapter LVII to LXIIIb. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. XV, pp. 377-84. 1893. 

The Gods Akar and Seb. P. le Page Renouf. Pro:. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. XV, pp. 385-86. 1893. (See 1S87.) 

The Name of Pharaoh. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 
Vol. XV, pp. 421-22. 1893. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapter LXIV. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 
Vol. XVI, pp. 3-12. 1893. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters LXV to LXX. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. XVI, pp. 27-32. 1S93. 



The royal titles j^jZ- P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 
Vol. XVI, p. 53. 1893. 

An Elementary Grammar of the Ancient Egyptian Language in the 
Hieroglyphic Type. P. le Page Renouf. Third Edition, 
pp. viii, 78. 8vo. London, 1S96. First Edition, 1875. 
Second Edition. 1890. 

338 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

1894. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters LXXI to LXXVI. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVI, pp, 64-72. 1894. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters LXXVII to LXXVIII. Proc. 
Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVI, pp. ico-103. 1894. 

Where was Tarshish? I. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. XVI, pp. 104-108. 1894. 

Where was Tarshish ? II. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. XVI, pp. 138-41. 1894. 

Where was Tarshish? III. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. XVI, p. 307. 1894. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters LXXVIII to LXXXII. Proc. 
Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVI, pp. 123-30. 1894. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters LXXXIII to XCI. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl., Arch., Vol. XVI, pp. 179-87. 1894. 

Greek and other Legends of the Deluge. P. le Page Renouf. 
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVI, pp. 177-78. 1894. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters XCII to XCVIII. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVI, pp. 218-24. 1894. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters XCIX to CVII. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. XVI, pp. 263-73. 1894. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters CVIII to CIX. Proc. Soc. Bibl. 
Arch., Vol. XVI, pp. 293-98. 1894. 

1895. 

The Book of the Dead. (Note to Chapter CIX.) Chapters CXI. 
to CXVI. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVII, pp. 6-15, 
1895. 

The Bow in the Egyptian Sky, II. P. le Page Renouf. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVII, pp. 37, 38. 1895. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapter CX. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 
Vol. XVII, pp. 51-56. 1895. 

The Book of the Dead. Notes, Chapter CX. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 
Vol. XVII, pp. 97-102. 1895. 

339 



Dfx. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1897. 

1 
The Book of the Dead. Chapters CXVII to CXXIII. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVII, pp. 123-29. 1895. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters CXXIV. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 
Vol. XVII, pp. 192-94. 1895. 

Note on Length and Breadth in Egyptian. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 
Vol. XVII, p. 191. 1895. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapter CXXV. Parts I and II. Proc. 
Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVII, pp. 216-19. ^S- 

1895. 

Remarks on the Translation of the Papyrus of Ani. Academy, No. 
1200. May 4th. 

Fragments of Sahidic Version of the Bible. P. le Page Renouf. 
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVII, pp. 251-53. 1895. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapter CXXV, Part III. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVII, pp. 273-77. 

1896. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapter CXXV, Part IV. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVIII, pp. 7-16. 1896. 

The Book of the Dead. Notes to Chapter CXXV, continued. 
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVIII, pp. 47-53. 1896. 

The Book of the Dead. Notes to Chapter CXXV, continued. 
Proc. 'Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVIII, pp. 81-85. 1896. 

TheGodfp.ffjy,^^,^^. Pro, 

Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVIII, pp. m-12. 1896. 

The Book of the Dead. Notes to Chapter CXXV, continued. 
Vol. XVIII, pp. 1 13-17. 1896. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters CXXVI, CXXVII. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. XVIII, pp. 149-55. l8 9 6 - 

The Book of the Dead. Notes to Chapter CXXVIII. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol XVIII, pp. 165-69. 1896. 
34° 



Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1897. 

1897. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters CXXIX to CXXX. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIX, pp. 65-67. 1867. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters CXXX to CXXXII. Proc. Soc. 
Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIX, pp. 107-12. 1897. 

Lay of the Threshers. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIX, pp. 121- 
22. 1897. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters CXXXIII to CXXXV. Proc. 
Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIX, pp. 125-31. 1897. 

Hypocephalus from Luxor. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIX, pp. 
144-46. 1897. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters CXXXVIa and CXXXVIb. 
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIX, pp. 160-64. 1897. 

Young and Champollion. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIX, pp. 
188-209. 1897. 

The Book of the Dead. Chapters CXXXVIIa to CXXXIXb. 
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIX, pp. 225-28. 1897. 



Biographical Record of the late Sir P. le Page Renouf, by W. H. 
Rylands {Secretary). Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIX, pp. 
27T-79. 1897. 

List of Writings of the late Sir P. le Page Renouf. Collected by W. 
H. Rylands. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XIX, Supplement, 
p. 25. 1898. 



34* 



SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS, 



In 8 Parts. Price 5s. each. The Fourth Part having been issued, the Price is 
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The Egyptian Book of the Dead. 

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By the late SIR P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Knt. {President); 

CONTAINING ALSO 

& Series of pates of tf)e Ftpettes of tfje Different adapters. 

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Price 7s. 6d. Only a Limited Number of Copies have been Printed. 

TBE PALESTINIAN SYRIAC VERSION ■ OF THE HOLY 

SCRIPTURES. 

Four Recently Discovered Portions (together with verses from the 
Psalms and the Gospel of St. Luke). Edited, in Photographic Facsimile, 
from a Unique MS. in the British Museum, with a Transcription, Transla- 
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REV. G. MARGOLIOUTH, M.A., 

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Society of Biblical Archeology. 



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president. 
Prof. A. H. Sayce, LL.D., &c, &c. 

Vice- Presidents , 

The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York. 

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Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c. 
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Prof. E. Naville. 
J. Pollard. 

Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., F.R.S., 
&c. 



Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet. 

Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 

Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Rev. R. GwYNNE, B.A. 

Honorary Librarian—W 1LUAM SIMPSON, F.R.G.S. 



HARRISON AND SONS, FRINTENS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY, ST. MARTIN'S LANE.